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Throughout history, institutions meant to prevent tyranny are being used to establish dictatorship in Brazil under the guise of democracy. The speaker, along with other politicians, is willing to risk arrest to fight for freedom. They urge the world to pay attention to Brazil's situation and not let it become a dictatorship. Journalist Sergio Tavares faced interrogation at a Brazilian airport, highlighting the country's deteriorating freedom. They plead for global support to safeguard freedom in Brazil and beyond.

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The president of Haiti told the speaker he thought he was going to be killed or taken away, but the speaker dismissed it. The president, Aristide, was then deposed and flown to the Central African Republic on an unmarked CIA plane. The U.S. ambassador walked him to the plane in broad daylight. The speaker, an economic advisor and friend, called the New York Times reporter on the beat to cover the coup. The reporter said her editor was not interested.

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Today's lecture covers the "Cuban Venezuelan conquest of the United States," focusing on Hugo Chavez and the Bolivarian Revolution. The lecture will discuss the 1998-2001 revolution, the 2002 counterrevolution, the 2004 recall election, Chavez's consolidation of power, and the rise of a mafia super cartel in Venezuela. According to the speaker, the best businesses in Venezuela are oil and elections. The speaker claims to have met with Venezuela's superintendent of cryptocurrencies in 2018 to discuss the Petro coin. He also claims familiarity with Marxism, communism, Chinese revolutions, and the Bolivarian Revolution. The lecture states that Venezuela's reliance on oil since 1922 led to economic booms and busts. A Marxist left movement emerged in the 60s and 70s, influencing Hugo Chavez in the military. In 1992, Chavez led a failed coup and was imprisoned. After release, he used the phrase "poor Eora for now." In 1998, Chavez campaigned as a man of the people and won the presidency.

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Speaker 0 states the following South American countries that have had their government overthrown by the CIA since 1947, with the years: - Costa Rica in 1948 - Guatemala in 1954 - El Salvador in 1979 - Nicaragua in 1981 - Panama in 1989 - Paraguay in 1954 - Brazil in 1964 - Peru in 1968 - Chile in 1973 - Uruguay in 1973 - Argentina in 1976 - Venezuela in 02/2002

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A Cuban family from the Fanhul group, who have not been back to Cuba for about fifty years, recently spoke with me. They want to visit Cuba again, and they’re not alone—many Cubans have said they would love to go back. The family largely comes from Cuba, and they’re curious about what might happen if they return. I discussed Cuba’s appeal in terms of tourism and climate. Cuba is, in its own way, a beautiful island with great weather, and they’re not in a hurricane zone, which is a nice change. They noted they wouldn’t be asking us for money for hurricanes every week. I think Cuba’s situation is changing; I’ve heard my entire life about the United States and Cuba, and when will the United States do it. I do believe I’ll be the honor of having the honor of taking Cuba. That’d be a good honor. Taking Cuba, in some form. Taking Cuba. I mean, whether I free it or take it, I think I could do anything I want with it, to tell the truth. They described Cuba’s current condition as weakened. They said Cuba has been a violent country under its leaders, with Fidel Castro being a very violent leader and his brother also a very violent leader. That’s how they governed. Despite these views, a lot of people would like to go back.

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In Canada, communists rallied in major cities to build a revolutionary party. They aim to overthrow Canadian imperialism and unite communists nationwide. In the US, calls for revolution are growing, especially on college campuses. The speaker warns of the dangers of history repeating itself, citing Mao Zedong's Cultural Revolution as an example of how college students can be manipulated into committing atrocities. The speaker emphasizes the vulnerability of young adults to extremist ideologies.

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In his 1961 farewell address, President Eisenhower warned against the undue influence of the military-industrial complex. John F. Kennedy's narrow 1960 election victory ushered in a new era, but he inherited the CIA's secret war in Cuba, culminating in the disastrous Bay of Pigs invasion. The Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 brought the world to the brink of nuclear war. Amidst these crises, Kennedy's administration also grappled with conflicts in Laos and Vietnam. He publicly advocated for peace, urging a re-evaluation of relations with the Soviet Union, emphasizing our shared humanity and the need for a peace not enforced by American might.

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Two years ago, during Brazil's presidential election, concerns arose about democracy under Lula, a former president with ties to China. Since Lula's victory, many journalists have faced censorship and exile, with some living in the U.S. due to threats of imprisonment. The Brazilian Supreme Court, particularly Justice Alexandre de Moraes, has targeted conservatives, leading to a chilling effect on free speech. Protests against the government have resulted in severe punishments, including lengthy prison sentences for dissenters. The U.S. government's support for Lula raises questions about its commitment to democracy, as Brazil's political landscape increasingly resembles a dictatorship. The situation reflects a broader trend where judicial power undermines democratic processes, posing risks not only for Brazil but also for the U.S. and the Western world.

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They say "a decision has been made at the highest levels of our government to rid Guatemala of the R. V. S. Regime" and you will be "the chief of propaganda and political action." They claim "the CIA ... mobilize every facet of American power" and "used the techniques of social psychology" to create a "sense of crisis in Guatemala" to terrify troops "much as the German Stuka bombers terrified" Europe. They assert this was "so that The United States could control the economy of Guatemala, destroying the dreams of its people." "We sowed confusion through the countryside" with "aircraft flying over and dropping leaflets" and "doing a little harmless bombing." "A CIA terror campaign cost thousands of lives." Arbenz, "the Democrat now branded a communist," was "humiliated, stripped naked, and photographed before being forced into exile." Nixon "flew in to congratulate the new dictators." "General Rios Montt was to be one of Washington's faces of liberty" while thousands were murdered by death squads, most of them indigenous.

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The United States government decides to send the CIA to Venezuela. They say the CIA will conduct operations against Venezuela, against the peace of Venezuela. This is claimed to be unprecedented; the speaker notes that never before has any government since the CIA’s existence publicly said it would order the CIA to kill, to derange, and to topple countries. A historian named Alejandro is invoked to support this claim. The speaker lists past Latin American coups, asserting that all involved the CIA and resulted in governments being overthrown and presidents assassinated, with documents allegedly published by the U.S. government that have since been declassified. Specific examples named are: 1974, Guatemala, Jacobo Arbenz; 1965, Dominican Republic, Juan Bosch; 1964, Brazil, Joao Goulart; 1973, Chile, Salvador Allende. The speaker says these are “a few” among many coups in Latin America, all documented through declassified U.S. government documents. Additionally, the case of Mosaddegh in Iran (1952) is cited as another example of a national leader toppled. The speaker asserts that, over time, the CIA apologized for overthrowing these presidents, stating the pretenses were that they were communists or terrorists, but later acknowledging the deception. The speaker uses the term “immorality” to describe those past actions and contrasts them with the present claim, stating that for the first time in history, a U.S. government says it has given authorization and issued orders to attack a country. The speaker concludes with a call to the Venezuelan people, saying their people are clear, united, highly conscious, with “1000000 of eyes and 1000000 of ears,” and that they possess the means to defeat this “open conspiracy” against the peace and stability of Venezuela. The ultimate aim asserted is to restore the peace and stability to which the people of Venezuela have a right, and to ensure they regain and sustain that peace and stability.

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Here's a list of South American countries where the CIA has overthrown the government since 1947: Costa Rica in 1948. Guatemala in 1954. El Salvador in 1979. Nicaragua in 1981. Panama in 1989. Paraguay in 1954. Brazil in 1964. Peru in 1968. Chile in 1973. Uruguay in 1973. Argentina in 1976. And Venezuela in February 2002.

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O Brasil gosta de negociação, respeita o diálogo e não tem contencioso com nenhum país do mundo. Afirma: nasceu em Caetés, saiu de São Paulo, chegou em São Paulo aos 7 anos, comeu pão pela primeira vez aos 7 anos, foi criado por 1 mãe com 8 filhos. Chegou à presidência da República; não é gringo que vai dar ordem a esse presidente da República. Brazil likes negotiation, respects dialogue, and has no disputes with any country in the world. It states: born in Caetés, left São Paulo, arrived in São Paulo at age 7, ate bread for the first time at age 7, was raised by 1 mother with 8 children. Reached the Presidency of the Republic; a gringo will not give orders to this President of the Republic.

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"The first to be attacked was Guatemala, one of the small countries of Central America known dismissively as Banana Republics." "In fact, most of the people of Guatemala are not of Spanish descent. They're indigenous Mayan people and very poor." "In the nineteen fifties, 2% of the population of Guatemala controlled the natural wealth in collusion with giant US corporations like the United Fruit Company, which dominated banana growing." "On the board of United Fruit was John Foster Dulles, who happened to be US Secretary of State. His brother, Alan, happened to run the CIA." "Both were Christian fundamentalists who regarded any opposition as the work of communism and the devil." "In 1950, this man, Jacabo Abenz, became the first Guatemalan leader to be democratically elected by a majority of his people who saw in him the hope of social justice."

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The speaker discusses the prohibition of political parties in Brazil from having affiliations with foreign organizations. They mention that seven Brazilian parties are members of Folha de São Paulo, a newspaper, and criticize their leaders for not being held accountable for their actions. The speaker questions why the president prioritizes solving Brazil's economic issues instead of addressing this matter, suggesting it may be to avoid appearing malicious. They conclude that if one seeks respect from the left, they are already defeated.

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Hugo Chavez led a "Bolivarian" revolution in Venezuela, characterized by populism, anti-American sentiment, and focus on programs for the poor. He faced a counter-revolution in 2002, where he was held for 47 hours, but was released after negotiations mediated by the Catholic Church. By 2004, a recall referendum was triggered due to widespread discontent, with polls showing only 30-35% support for Chavez. However, he won the referendum with 58% of the vote. Following the referendum, Chavez consolidated his power, drawing inspiration from Fidel Castro, who became a mentor. By 2012, even Human Rights Watch criticized the concentration and abuse of power in Venezuela under Chavez. He died the following year.

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There are political prisoners in Brazil, not just in known dictatorships. Before our trip, we feared being jailed upon return. Brazil's situation is worse than Venezuela's, yet Brazil is not labeled a dictatorship. Institutions meant to prevent tyranny are being manipulated. Brazil is a battleground for a new kind of dictatorship that masquerades as a democracy, a "trans democracy."

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Argentina’s decline from one of the world’s wealthiest nations to a country crippled by inflation and debt is tied to repeated economic crises and decades of mismanagement. The conversation begins with a chart illustrating that, while global inflation has hovered in the high single digits in recent years, Argentina’s inflation has not been that low for decades and has been higher than 100% for almost all of 2023. A century ago, Argentina’s GDP per person was higher than France’s or Germany’s, but persistent mismanagement over time has led to ongoing economic crises. The transcript attributes a large portion of Argentina’s inflation problem to Juan Domingo Peron, who was elected president in 1946. It notes Peron’s inspiration from Mussolini’s fascist Italy and his beliefs in nationalism and government intervention. Peron increased wages for the poor but funded extensive welfare schemes and embraced economic isolationism, which laid the foundations for economic disaster. The legacy of Peron remains dominant in Argentine politics, according to the summary, with voters having elected a series of populous presidents who have followed the same irresponsible irresponsible policies. Amid growing discontent over the economy, voters have propelled Javier Mille, described as an anarcho capitalist outsider, into the second round of the presidential election. Mille’s platform advocates a free market approach that includes slashing public spending, scrapping most taxes, and blowing up the central bank. The analysis notes, however, that even if Mille wins, a Malay government would probably be too weak to implement his radical agenda. The broader point made is that fixing Argentina’s economic dysfunction requires a political consensus that remains elusive. In summary, the narrative connects Argentina’s current high inflation and debt challenges to historical policies dating back to Peron, whose mix of welfare expansion and economic isolationism is seen as foundational to the country’s present struggles. Contemporary politics reflect a desire for radical change, embodied by Mille’s candidacy, but structural constraints and a lack of broad political consensus are presented as significant obstacles to reform.

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Two years ago, Brazil faced a pivotal presidential election between incumbent Jair Bolsonaro and former president Lula, who many feared would lead Brazil into authoritarianism. Lula won, and since then, censorship has escalated. Journalists critical of the government, like Eduardo Bolsonaro and Paulo Figueiredo, have been exiled or silenced. The judiciary, particularly Justice Alexandre de Moraes, has targeted conservatives, leading to arrests and a chilling effect on free speech. The U.S. government's support for Lula raises concerns about democracy in Brazil, as it mirrors issues seen in the U.S. political landscape. Brazil's shift towards authoritarianism, influenced by China, poses risks not only for its citizens but for the entire Western Hemisphere.

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The Biden administration allegedly meddled in Brazil's elections by pressuring President Bolsonaro to accept the results before they happened. Big tech companies, seen as allies of Biden, are censoring any dissenting voices. Lula da Silva was declared the winner, but protests are erupting in response to the alleged suppression.

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Coming from Cuba, I understand the value of freedom after losing it there. In 1975, hearing Jimmy Carter campaign for president reminded me of Fidel Castro, leading me to believe he was a communist. This realization sparked my interest in politics.

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The speaker informs that the CIA accidentally overthrew the government of Costa Rica while overthrowing other governments in Central America. Due to a miscommunication, agents organized an anti-government militia and toppled the Costa Rican government. The deposed leader's body was found in the San Juan River, and the Prime Minister of El Salvador condemned the overthrow. However, no disciplinary actions will be taken against the agents as they are skilled at overthrowing and brought back interesting pictures. The speaker also mentions a time when a chimpanzee was installed as President of Honduras for fun.

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The speaker argues that whenever a country defends its own people, the United States asks, “Who owns the resources?” and if the answer isn’t The US, a coup follows. The claim is that over 80 foreign governments have been overthrown or destabilized by the United States, and that most of them weren’t dictatorships, but democratically elected governments that threatened US corporate profits. The described playbook involves the CIA funding opposition groups like ISIS and Al Qaeda, planting stories in the media, bribing generals, arming rebels, or collapsing a country’s economy, with the coup replacing the leader with a pro-US dictatorship. The overarching assertion is that this is not about democracy but about power and control. Key historical examples cited include: - Iran in 1953: Mosaddegh attempted to nationalize oil; the CIA launched Operation Ajax, orchestrated protests, paid off politicians, and installed the Shah, resulting in twenty-five years of dictatorship and torture under US protection. - Guatemala in 1954: President Arbenz redistributed land from the United Fruit Company, a US corporation; the CIA branded him a communist, conducted a coup, and Guatemala descended into a civil war with over 200,000 deaths. - Chile in 1973: Allende was overthrown in a US-backed military coup, and Pinochet’s regime tortured and killed thousands after Allende’s attempts to nationalize copper. - Congo in 1961: Lumumba sought African control of African resources; the CIA helped orchestrate his assassination and installed a brutal dictator who was supported for decades. The speaker adds that there are “dozens of others” beyond these cases, including Haiti, Iraq, Libya, Nicaragua, El Salvador, the Dominican Republic, Brazil, Bolivia, and beyond, arguing that the motive is not fighting tyranny but profits and control. When a country attempts to exit the system or nationalize resources to reduce inequality, they threaten profits and the idea that another world is possible, so the CIA sabotages such efforts to prevent successful example-making, such as Libya. The conclusion is that many nations don’t trust the United States because “we’ve been the villains throughout most of our history.” The speaker invites readers to comment to receive a “forbidden reading list” of books and documentaries that “they never wanted you to find.”

The Rubin Report

Debunking the Media's Lies About Events in Brazil | Matthew Tyrmand | INTERNATIONAL | Rubin Report
Guests: Matthew Tyrmand
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Protesters in Brazil were detained and taken to a federal police facility, where conditions were dire, leading to reports of multiple deaths. After two days, women and children were released under the condition they sign a statement labeling themselves as terrorists. Matthew Tyrmand, a journalist and political activist, discussed the political climate in Brazil, highlighting the tension between the left and right, particularly surrounding the recent elections. Lula, a former president with a history of corruption, returned to power amid allegations of electoral fraud, while Bolsonaro's supporters protested against the perceived injustices. Tyrmand described the Brazilian Supreme Court's overreach, likening it to a judicial autocracy that suppresses dissent and censors media. The military attempted to intervene but ultimately failed to prevent Lula's inauguration. Tyrmand expressed concern over the rapid descent into authoritarianism, drawing parallels to historical communist regimes. He emphasized the importance of social media engagement in Brazil, which has become a vital tool for dissent amid increasing government repression. The situation remains tense, with fears of further crackdowns on opposition voices.

Tucker Carlson

Ep. 102 Ex-CIA Agent on Capturing Che Guevara, Who Truly Killed JFK, and Election Predictions
Guests: Felix Rodriguez
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Tucker Carlson discusses a famous photograph of Che Guevara taken in Bolivia in 1967 with Felix Rodriguez, a CIA officer involved in Guevara's capture. Rodriguez recounts how he arrived in Bolivia with a Special Forces unit to assist in capturing Guevara, who was believed to be leading a guerrilla movement. He explains that Guevara was not a significant figure at the time of his capture, as his notoriety grew posthumously due to Cuba's portrayal of him. Rodriguez describes the tense moments following Guevara's capture, including an order for his execution, which he tried to prevent. He recounts his final conversation with Guevara, where he conveyed the imminent execution, leading Guevara to express acceptance of his fate. Rodriguez details the execution itself, noting the dignity with which Guevara faced his death. The conversation shifts to Rodriguez's background, including his early involvement in anti-Castro activities, the Bay of Pigs invasion, and his extensive CIA career, including operations in Vietnam and El Salvador. He reflects on the changes in the CIA over the years and expresses concern about the current political climate in the U.S., drawing parallels to his experiences in Cuba. Rodriguez emphasizes the dangers of socialism and the importance of informed voting to preserve American values.

Breaking Points

Wall St Vultures SWOOP IN For Venezuelan Oil
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The episode surveys the prospect of foreign investment in Venezuela’s oil sector, showing how Wall Street’s interest collides with a fragile political moment. The hosts weigh practical hurdles: can Venezuela’s oil be efficiently produced again, given deteriorated infrastructure, and the risk of talent flight that hollowed out technical skill? They note sanctions, security concerns, and the need for extensive new port and refinery capacity that complicate any potential returns. The discussion underscores that oil is a commodity and questions whether short‑term gains would translate into durable profits for American firms or real benefits for Venezuela. They warn that even if a deal were possible, political instability and international dynamics—such as U.S. pressure and China’s role—could erase or delay any promised payoff. They question the logic of courting investment in a coup-adjacent environment, recalling how past South American episodes yielded uncertain outcomes for investors and locals. The segment closes by contrasting optimistic forecasts with the reality that energy markets are shifting toward renewables, where cost, competitiveness and geopolitical risk absorb oil’s upside.
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