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The speaker begins by discussing their military career, serving in combat tours and doing counterterrorism work. They then talk about their educational background, including degrees in psychology and engineering, as well as a PhD in public health. They mention being offered positions at various government agencies and working at Sandia National Laboratories. They later transitioned to a job at ECLAF Alliance, where they focused on building machine learning and artificial intelligence platforms for detecting emerging infectious diseases. They mention being promoted to an executive position but becoming disillusioned with the company. They then discuss their expertise in SARS COV-2 and their belief that the government is lying about it. They mention being targeted and publishing a book called "The Truth About Wuhan."

Charles (Speaker 0) and Mario (Speaker 1) discuss a wide range of intelligence topics, personal history, and contemporary covert operations, emphasizing experiences from the CIA and reflections on global security dynamics. Charles begins by outlining his background: growing up on a farm in Ohio, enlisting in the Navy as a law enforcement specialist at 17, studying East Asian languages and Mandarin, and eventually learning Persian. He joined the CIA in July 2001 as an operations officer, spending most of his career in the Middle East with stints in Europe and Asia, and leaving the CIA in 2019. Afterward, he worked at Tesla to set up an insider threat program and manage global information security investigations. He notes extensive experience with China, Russia, Israel, France, and South Korea, and emphasizes the prevalence of intellectual property theft and proprietary-systems concerns in the private sector, including the role of motivated individuals and cross-border actors seeking to commercialize advanced technology. The conversation turns to leadership targeting and decapitation concepts. Charles references how the Iraq War began with an attempted decapitation strike at Saddam, asking whether removing a center of gravity leadership could end a conflict decisively and whether that would be humane. He discusses Iran as a persistent factor across the region, arguing that Iran’s meddling contributed to problems in Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, and Yemen, and that without Iranian involvement, upheaval might be less intense, though turmoil remains possible. Mario expresses fascination with intelligence capabilities, particularly related to Iran, Lebanon, Hezbollah, and Maduro, and asks about Charles’s CIA background and roles. Charles explains that his work involved recruiting individuals with access to foreign governments to commit espionage and provide secret information—“human operations.” He emphasizes the dramatic realism of espionage as two people engaging in a life-changing conversation, rather than high-action TV tropes. They discuss border crossings and the reality of intelligence work. Charles notes that the hardest border crossings were often returning to the United States, when travel appearances didn’t match and documents or identities could be scrutinized. He stresses the difference between romanticized espionage and the real tension of crossing borders with non-legitimate materials, relying on confidence, charisma, and interaction under stress. On private-sector and national-security crossover, Charles highlights the complexity of cyber threats and corporate espionage. He describes a Tesla case involving a Russian criminal organization attempting to install malware, with FBI involvement and the arrest of a Russian national. He explains that in cyber threats, the distinction between government-sponsored and private actors is often blurred, with organized crime sometimes acting as proxies for larger state agendas. He notes that entrepreneurial actors seek to accelerate development by acquiring others’ material, not building entire systems from scratch. He also comments on the blurry boundary between nation-states and private actors in tech espionage and the difficulty of attributing responsibility. The Mossad’s capabilities are analyzed in depth. Charles argues Mossad excels by focusing on high-impact targets within a narrow geopolitical scope (Lebanon, Syria, Iran, Iraq) and by strong locational intelligence—understanding where leaders live, work, and their access points. He emphasizes Mossad’s willingness to act decisively, using surrogates and superior technology for surveillance. He mentions the head of Mossad and a quote from his book about ubiquitous surveillance through devices like phones and watches. He notes the “pager operation” against Hezbollah as a case study in supply-chain manipulation and the use of compromised intermediaries, and he cautions that modern operations involve cyber manipulation and near-constant information-flow considerations. Both discuss real-world operations, including the 2010 Dubai operation targeting a Hamas logistics figure, and general lessons about operational security, noting that some details cannot be disclosed publicly. They reflect on the “gentleman’s rules of the game,” acknowledging that lethal operations and leadership-targeting can be controversial and legally complex; they discuss how different regimes and leaders are perceived and targeted. The Maduro operation is revisited. Charles describes gathering information through satellites, drones (including covert, stealth, and micro-drones), and human intelligence; he stresses determining a target’s pattern of life, where a leader lives, sleeps, moves, whom they meet, and what they eat. He notes that insider sources and the right informants are critical, and he discusses the balance between opportunities created by regime instability and the risk of compromised sources. He emphasizes that in times of turmoil, there is opportunistic recruitment, as some individuals see few options other than cooperating with outside powers. Privacy is a recurring theme. Charles asserts that privacy is not dead but requires effort to protect. He compares privacy to fitness, arguing that modern technologies make it easy to be public, but steps can be taken to reduce attack surfaces, including privacy consulting, careful metadata handling, and secure, layered security (physical security and cyber measures). He uses anecdotes about Strava revealing location data and a submarine commander whose Strava activity was linked to his demise, illustrating how personal data can reveal sensitive information. Towards the end, Mario and Charles discuss strategic ambiguity and unpredictability in political leadership, including Trump’s posture and international signaling. They touch on the potential paths for Iran if regime change occurs, debating the likelihood and consequences of upheaval, the role of Western policy, and how regional dynamics might shift if the mullahs and IRGC structures are altered. The conversation ends with mutual appreciation for the complexity of global security issues and the rapid pace of geopolitical change.

I am Major General Albert Newton Stubblebein III, retired from the U.S. Army after 32 years of service. During my last assignment, I oversaw the Army's strategic intelligence forces worldwide. On the day of 9/11, I received a call in Hawaii informing me that the United States was at war. Initially skeptical, I turned on the television and witnessed the towers collapsing. Realizing the gravity of the situation, I believed that the attack was a terrorist act and that crucial information had been overlooked. My experience in intelligence further reinforced this belief.

The speaker has taken command of the 440th Civil Affairs Battalion in Fort Carson, Colorado. Civil affairs soldiers are described as warrior diplomats. Their mission, skills, and capabilities are considered incredibly important during a time of great uncertainty in the world. The speaker feels privileged and honored to serve and lead these soldiers.

I work at a top consulting firm embedded in the Pentagon, focusing on artificial intelligence and emerging technologies. I previously served as an FBI special agent in counterintelligence, motivated by my desire to catch foreign spies after the 2016 election. I have meetings with retired generals to discuss national security concerns regarding Trump's presidency, whom I view as a sociopathic narcissist primarily interested in his own gain. Tomorrow, I have a significant meeting with military leaders in a secure location to discuss AI and the need for better information sharing. I believe Trump may attempt to extend his presidency beyond the constitutional limit, which raises concerns about the future.

Following post-Desert Storm, many agencies actively recruit veterans and former military personnel. Some officers shown likely have military experience. Some may be National Guard members performing both military and law enforcement duties. There are veterans and likely current guard members involved in the law enforcement aspect. Police in the middle appear to be stepping back and moving vehicles to prevent damage.

I have a military background starting as an air cavalry officer and later transitioning into information warfare. I specialize in psychological operations, computer network operations, deception, operation security, electronic warfare, and special electronic warfare. From my perspective as an unconventional warfare specialist, I believe the American people are currently experiencing an unconventional warfare situation. This can be classified as information warfare.

I'm embedded in the Pentagon, working in the joint staff, and I have experience as a former FBI agent. We discuss trafficking and I describe the perpetrator as a sociopathic narcissist. There are concerns about protecting the American people from potential threats he may pose. I'm currently in discussions with retired generals to explore strategies for addressing these issues.

The transcript centers on Amjed Fassisi, a CIA contractor who works with Deloitte and, at times, within the CIA’s China Mission Center on cyber operations. He describes a career path that includes time at the CIA starting in 2008, a stint at the NSA for two years, then a return to the CIA in 2011, where he managed about 80 cybersecurity practitioners and later helped stand up a threat program inside the Office of the Director of National Intelligence. Fassisi asserts that he holds a high-level clearance (top secret/SCIs) and that his role involves cross-agency work across the enterprise, though he does not disclose specific details. Key, repeated claims attributed to Fassisi: - The higher-ups in the intelligence community, including CIA directors Gina Haspel and Mike Pompeo, and the upper echelons of their staffs, colluded to withhold information from sitting President Donald Trump. Fassisi states, “We kept information from him,” and later explains “the executive staff” (the director and subordinates) were involved. - Fassisi contends that the CIA and other agencies monitored Trump and his inner circle, using human sources and surveillance. He mentions that Trump could be targeted or spied on, including claims that he would “call Vladimir Putin and tell him” secrets, and that “the intelligence agencies thought that president Trump was a, quote, fucking dumbass and would disclose information.” - He asserts that information about Trump’s activities was intentionally withheld from him by the intelligence community, and that this withholding involved high-level officials who would not share details with the president. - Fassisi suggests that the intelligence community engaged in surveillance of Trump and his team using methods such as human intelligence rather than only wiretaps, and that the FBI, NSA, and other agencies were involved, with implications that FISA-related processes were used to monitor Trump. - He asserts distrust and lack of information-sharing among agencies, stating “the NSA and CIA don’t share information” and describing internal fragmentation and territoriality between agencies as a problem. - Fassisi alleges that there was a broader pattern of weaponizing the CIA and collaborating with foreign partners to influence or monitor Trump associates, referencing the broader narrative around Trump and Russia and implying ongoing monitoring of Trump’s activities post-presidency as well. - He makes broad allegations about Israel and other allies, asserting distrust and claiming Israel “steals intelligence” from the U.S.; he frames relations with allies as fraught and unreliable. - Fassisi describes the reporting by Michael Schellenberger and Matt Taibbi as validated by his claims, and positions the ongoing investigation as exposing corruption within the CIA, FBI, and Department of Justice, with a narrative that information was hidden from the public and from Trump. Supporting context around the interview: - The exchange includes tense moments where Fassisi is shown a CIA badge and discusses his role; the interviewer questions the plausibility and provenance of his claims, pressing for documentation or proof, while Fassisi provides limited responses about his clearance, division (China Mission Center), and contractor status. - The segment also includes editorial framing by the presenter, interjecting with external commentary and promotional content not directly related to Fassisi’s assertions. The interviewer promises follow-up coverage and frames Fassisi’s statements as part of a broader whistleblower narrative. - Throughout, the content repeatedly emphasizes claims of withheld information from Trump, surveillance of Trump and his associates, inter-agency distrust, and internal CIA culture, without providing verifiable documentation within the interview itself.

I used to work for FedEx but now I'm on a deployment to Ukraine with the army. I'm currently on title 10. Yes, I am a medic. I've been a medic in the military for about 10 to 12 years.

Work for the department of justice. Been there, like, twenty three years. I'm an analyst. I'll be acting deputy chief of our office for a few months starting next week. I work closely with all the federal law enforcement agencies and the US attorney's offices As a gospel. The prosecutors and stuff. The thing is it's what you're saying because I do deal with so many of the agencies, like the Bureau of Brisons, the Marshal Service, the FBI, US attorney's offices. It's like

I work at a top consulting firm embedded in the Pentagon, focusing on artificial intelligence and emerging technologies. I have meetings with military leaders about these topics, emphasizing the need for better information sharing and collaboration. I also express concerns about Trump, describing him as a sociopathic narcissist primarily interested in his own gain. I’ve been working with retired generals to address potential threats from his presidency. My past experience includes being an FBI special agent focused on counterintelligence, particularly against Russian and Chinese spies. I was involved in efforts to defeat Trump during the election, writing extensively under various names. I predict he may attempt to extend his term, despite constitutional limits.

Around 35,000 people were lost in the chain of communication within the armed forces and veterans community, which is a significant blow to our small military. The Canadian military is currently unable to defend our own country, let alone participate in NATO conflicts. During the 20-year Afghanistan war, we lost around 53 people, while self-inflicted casualties caused by our own actions have reached 3,000 to 4,000. This has severely weakened our military, which should ideally have around 100,000 personnel but currently only has about 40,000. The damage inflicted on our Canadian Armed Forces is far greater than that of Afghanistan, and a comparable hit hasn't been seen since World War II.

I served in the Marine Corps for 15 years, specializing in WMD. I was an instructor and worked with the Department of State. As the WMD chief, I oversaw the deployment of 2000 marines to embassies worldwide. I am also a member of the international group, Drastic, investigating the origin of the pandemic. Around 70-80% of the evidence presented to Congress comes from Drastic's findings. I worked with Major Murphy and together we released a grant proposal showing intent to create a virus similar to SARS CoV 2. Currently, I am collaborating with colleagues in Japan, Germany, and the United States, preparing evidence and affidavits for a future grand jury hearing to hold Fauci and the NIH accountable.

I am Josephine Gilbo, a former army veteran with intelligence experience. The government is bombing homes with children inside, causing civilian casualties. The politicians in Capitol Hill lie repeatedly. Through lobbying, I've realized how corrupt our government is, using military personnel as pawns for personal gain.

Performance in both Iraq and Afghanistan. I've provided security services to the president of The United States and other high ranking members in the United States government. I've protected diplomatic persons, high net worth corporate clients, media personalities, investigative journalists, and the general public. I continue that work today as a SWAT team leader and executive protection specialist. I've been recognized on numerous occasions for my high level professionalism, proficiency, and knowledge of all security measures while working in those fields. As I analyze what happened and

I spent 17 years in the military, 14 in a special operations unit. I believe the recent assassination attempt on former President Trump involved help from an agency or government. The shooter couldn't have reached the rooftop alone to take a shot at the president. It seems too obvious that assistance was involved.

I had a successful career in the FBI, overseeing operations in Southern California with a large team and budget. However, I believe that the organization has been infiltrated by the Illuminati Movement, along with other agencies like the NSA and CIA. I will provide more information on this later.

A young military man did his job excellently and accidentally uncovered that our government was implicated in working with the cartels, not fighting them. He later realized that the government then fed him to the cartels, and he’s been on the run for his life for 35 years. Over the years he faced abusive litigation, harassment by narco attorneys, and police records that were allegedly disappeared. He has presented evidence of hitmen coming after him, and after decades he finally obtained his paperwork with the help of county clerks who retrieved records. In May 2025, the man, now 56 and with a new name, was released from a 35-year military-grade NDA. Deciding to confront his past, he travels from Washington back to the base where it began—Fort Huachuca, Arizona. He books a stay at Candlewood Suites on the base and arrives on September 8 at 5:37 PM. In the lobby he notices a Special Forces-looking person and a young woman who leave in a green pickup with him. The next morning, September 9, at about 5:30 AM, he goes off base to get coffee in Sierra Vista and meets soldiers wearing 10th Mountain Division patches. They tell him that Joint Task Force Six has continued as Joint Task Force Southern Border (JTF Southern Border) and that a building is being used as a temporary command center. He proceeds to the new JTF headquarters around 7:37 AM and meets two or three men who are friendly. He sees about 12 lieutenant colonels and notes the presence of a key figure who he believes is Brian Harpole. Allegedly, after this the situation escalates. The man is confronted by two captains who escort him out and subject him to a seven-hour interrogation, during which they suspect him of being a spy. He is accused of being a bomb threat due to alleged special forces or EOD connections, and he is gaslit to consider the possibility that he might threaten others or himself. After the interrogation, they conferenced with the base commander, verify that he is not there to spy on the meeting, and decide to send him off post. He drives to Tucson, finds a hotel, then flies home, with a stop in Salt Lake City where his wife mentions Charlie Kirk. The man says he happened to be in the Salt Lake airport when Candace, i.e., Candace Owens, was discussing strange flights, and she mentions Charlie Kirk. He provides documentation: high school diploma, military records, police records, NDAs, and court documents he’s fought to obtain for this story spanning 35 years. He recalls the commander in charge of force protection, whom he could only identify as Captain Neff (about 36, brown hair, gray-haired man with glasses), and he notes an incident number given by the Captain: 8611-2025MPC446, which he believes could be FOIA-requested. He emphasizes that this is not just about one conspiracy but ties to global trafficking and cartels, including potential government involvement at high levels. He says he’s not hiding anymore and that Charlie Kirk’s assassination coverage ties into this larger narrative. He asks for anyone who saw something or knows how to FOIA-request the records to come forward, providing the dates, times, and documents he has shared. He ends by thanking God and noting his intent to pursue further exposure and potential meetings with others connected to the case.

The speaker was asked about a statement where they said they carried weapons in war despite never deploying to a war zone. The speaker responded that they are proud of their 24 years of service and their record speaks for itself. They speak candidly and passionately, especially about children being shot in schools. When asked if they misspoke about being in war, the speaker said the conversation was about carrying weapons of war after a school shooting, and their grammar isn't always correct. The speaker stated they will never demean another member's service.

I served in the National Guard for 24 years as an artilleryman, deploying in support of Operation Enduring Freedom. My battalion provided base security across Europe from Turkey to England during the early stages of the war in Afghanistan. The same battalion is currently deployed in Iraq.

The speaker details a security career with frontline work in Iraq and Afghanistan. They’ve provided security services to the president of the United States and other high-ranking members of the U.S. government, and they’ve protected diplomatic personnel, high-net-worth corporate clients, media personalities, investigative journalists, and the general public. They continue this work as a SWAT team leader and executive protection specialist, and have been repeatedly recognized for high-level professionalism, proficiency, and knowledge of security measures across those fields. The narration signals ongoing analysis of past events, suggesting the speaker is evaluating what happened within this security context in complex environments.

I served in the US Air Force for 9 years and later blew the whistle on geoengineering practices I witnessed. Initially, I thought the idea of chemtrails was absurd, but while working in bioenvironmental engineering, I discovered that weather modification using hazardous materials was happening right from my office. This realization conflicted with my oath, prompting me to investigate further. I ultimately decided to expose the truth and leave my position. Now, I use my experience and credentials to raise awareness about the reality of weather modification, which is increasingly acknowledged.