TruthArchive.ai - Related Video Feed

Speaker 1 claims that no vaccines, including the COVID vaccine, have been properly tested. They assert that no childhood vaccine has undergone a placebo-controlled clinical trial of sufficient duration and power to assess its safety before being injected into millions of children in America. Speaker 1 states this is not just their opinion, but can be verified by anyone who examines the FDA website, specifically the package inserts and underlying clinical trial documents.

The speaker claims adverse events from the vaccine rollout were covered up and dismissed as rare and coincidental. They state that regulators approved the vaccines based on relative risk data (95%), which they describe as misleading, while the absolute risk reduction was only 0.84%, meaning 120 people had to be vaccinated to prevent one infection. The speaker alleges that Pfizer has 31 convictions, including withholding data, presenting false data, and bribing clinicians and regulators. They claim over 100 doctors have written to various health organizations, including the NHS and MHRA, about the vaccine program, but received only one response. The speaker concludes that science is dead because discussion, analysis, and debate are no longer allowed, and decisions are being made without scientific basis.

The speaker claims Pfizer documents reveal the COVID vaccines didn't work to stop the virus a month after rollout in November 2020. They allege Pfizer knew the third most common side effect was COVID. Within months, Pfizer supposedly needed to hire 2,400 staffers to process adverse event reports. The speaker asserts Pfizer and the FDA knew in May 2021 that the vaccines caused heart damage in 35 minors within a week of injection, but this wasn't disclosed to parents until August 2021. The speaker states the CDC initially claimed the injection materials stayed at the injection site, but Pfizer knew they biodistributed throughout the body within 48 hours, settling in the brain, liver, adrenals, spleen, and ovaries. Pathologist Dr. Robert Chandler allegedly found no mechanism for the body to eliminate lipid nanoparticles from the ovaries, leading to accumulation with each injection.

In the video, the speaker discusses the lack of accountability for vaccine manufacturers. They explain that in the 1980s, there were only three routine childhood vaccines, but now there are 17, with 14 being routine. The speaker highlights that the manufacturers convinced Congress to grant them immunity for any harm caused by their vaccines, leading to the National Childhood Vaccines Act in 1986. This immunity extends to future vaccines added to the childhood schedule. The speaker emphasizes that this level of immunity is not seen in other consumer products, which hold manufacturers accountable for any harm caused. They also mention that emergency youth vaccines, like the COVID-19 vaccine, have separate immunity under the PrEP Act. The speaker argues that this lack of liability disincentivizes safety and affects the conduct of clinical trials and post-market actions by pharmaceutical companies.

Congress investigated ACIP over two decades ago, finding conflicts of interest. In 2002/2003, four of five people who added the rotavirus vaccine had direct financial interest; one voted the rotavirus vaccine onto the schedule and sold his rotavirus vaccine for $186 million. Congress found that 97% of ACIP members had undisclosed conflicts. According to the speaker, a critical issue is adding new vaccines without pre-licensing safety studies. In 1986, there were 11 vaccines on the schedule; now, children must take 69 to 92 vaccines to stay in school in some states, none of which have been safety tested in pre-licensing placebo-controlled trials. The speaker states that the people in charge are now gone, and new, credentialed scientists and physicians will be brought onto the ACIP panel to do evidence-based medicine and make objective public health determinations based on science.

Changes to ACIP are occurring after over two decades of congressional investigation. In 2002/2003, a government oversight committee found conflicts of interest, citing that four out of five people who added the rotavirus vaccine to the schedule had direct financial interest in it. One individual voted the rotavirus vaccine onto the schedule and then sold his rotavirus vaccine in development for $186 million. That year, Congress stated that 97% of ACIP members had undisclosed conflicts. The speaker claims that adding new products to the schedule without pre-licensing safety studies is malpractice. In 1986, there were 11 vaccines on the schedule, but now children must take between 69 and 92 vaccines to stay in school in some states, and none have been safety tested in prelicensing placebo-controlled trials. The speaker states that the people in charge are now gone, and new credentialed scientists and physicians will be brought onto the ACIP panel to do evidence-based medicine and follow the science.

Speaker 0 frames the issue as 'the corruption of science' and the 'capture of the agencies' by pharmaceutical industries, stating the goal is to restore integrity and credibility to science. Speaker 1 cites a CDC internal study: 'black boys who got the vaccine on time had a two hundred and sixty percent greater chance of getting an autism diagnosis than children who waited.' He adds that 'The chief chief scientist on that, Doctor. William Thompson, the senior said vaccine safety science at CDC, was ordered to destroy that data. And then they published it without that fact.' Finally, he asserts, 'So, you know that story. And you know of hundreds of stories like that. It happens all the time. We are being lied to by these agencies, and we're gonna change that right now.'

Speaker 1 claims that no vaccines, including the COVID vaccine, have been properly tested. They assert that no childhood vaccine has undergone a placebo-controlled clinical trial of sufficient duration and power to assess its safety before being injected into millions of children in America. Speaker 1 states this is not just their opinion, but can be verified by anyone who examines the FDA website, specifically the package inserts and underlying clinical trial documents.

The discussion centers on the credibility of vaccine safety claims made by various health organizations and the FDA. One speaker argues that vaccines undergo rigorous testing, while the other contends that no vaccine has ever completed a long-term placebo-controlled trial before being licensed. They express distrust in the FDA, citing past issues with drugs like Vioxx and opioids, suggesting that the FDA misled doctors and the public about their safety. The speaker believes that pharmaceutical companies influence these agencies, leading to misinformation about vaccine safety. The goal is to address and rectify this perceived corruption.

The speaker claims there is a connection between autism and government-promoted vaccines, which constitutes a tort, implying many people were injured. They ask how these injured parties can be made whole. Another speaker explains that the 1986 National Vaccine Injury Compensation Program Vaccine Act gave vaccine companies immunity from liability, regardless of recklessness, toxicity, or injury severity. This immunity prevents lawsuits against vaccine companies and is presented as a reason for the increase in vaccinations.

Vaccine recommendations typically come from the Advisory Committee of Immunization Practices (an outside consulting committee at CDC) and VRBPAC (within FDA), which recommends vaccine licensure. These committees only adopted evidence-based medicine about twelve years ago. The speaker states that during their administration, they want safety studies prior to vaccine licensure and recommendation. They claim vaccines are exempt from pre-licensing safety testing, and the COVID vaccine was the only one tested in a full placebo trial. They assert that the other 76 shots children receive between birth and 18 have not been safety tested against a placebo, meaning the risk profile is not understood. The speaker intends to remedy this.

None of the 72 vaccines for children have been tested against a placebo. The speaker sued HHS in 2016 to find placebo studies for vaccines, but none were found. The safety testing for the polio vaccine was only 48 hours, while the hepatitis b vaccines were tested for 4-5 days. This means that any adverse events occurring after that time period were not considered. Without placebo testing, the risk profile of current vaccines is unknown, and it cannot be determined if vaccines cause more harm than good. The speaker questions the ethics of mandating medical products with unknown risks for children.

The speaker states that a board was fired for being a "sock puppet" for the industry it regulated. In 2002, a government oversight committee held hearings about the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices (ACIP), finding that 97% of its members had undisclosed conflicts of interest. As an example, the speaker claims that when the ACIP approved the rotavirus vaccine, four of the five members had direct financial interests in it. One member, Paul Offit, allegedly voted to add the rotavirus vaccine to the schedule while he had a rotavirus vaccine in development. The approved vaccine was withdrawn due to causing intussusception. Offit's vaccine then replaced it. The speaker claims that Offit and his business partners sold that vaccine to Merck for $186 million.

The speaker discusses the issue of liability protection for vaccine manufacturers and the lack of safety testing for vaccines. They explain that in 1986, liability was taken away from manufacturers, leading to an increase in the number of vaccines given to children. They argue that vaccines should be tested for safety like any other pharmaceutical product, but this is not happening due to the lack of liability. The speaker also addresses the claim that vaccines do not cause injury, particularly autism, and highlights the lack of studies supporting this claim. They conclude by discussing the use of aborted fetal tissue in vaccine development and the objections raised by religious groups.

The speaker claims that when the rotavirus vaccine was approved, four out of five board members had direct financial interests in it, working for the companies that made the vaccine or receiving grants to do clinical trials on it. One board member, Paul Offit, allegedly voted to add the rotavirus vaccine to the schedule while he had a rotavirus vaccine in development. The speaker says that because it's now on the schedule, his developing vaccine is virtually guaranteed to get on the schedule. The rotavirus vaccine that Offit voted on was withdrawn within a year because it was causing intussusception in kids. Offit's vaccine then replaced it. The speaker states that Offit and his business partners sold that vaccine to Merck for $186,000,000. The speaker says that Offit told Newsweek that he won the lottery and that it's been said of him that he voted himself rich.

The speaker claims the medical landscape is dominated by COVID vaccine injuries, disabilities, and deaths, and that they submit multiple entries daily to VAERS, facing scrutiny and potential penalties for falsification. They state they diagnosed an executive in her late thirties with Guillain Barre syndrome from COVID-19 vaccination. The speaker estimates that only 1% of manuscripts on COVID vaccine injuries are being published, suggesting a tremendous bias, and that there are about 4,000 papers on the vaccine debacle, which is about 1% of reality. They claim to have never seen myocarditis, heart failure, or blood clots from eating frosted flakes, but are seeing people devastated by the shots. The speaker advocates for removing COVID-19 vaccines from the market, a critical reevaluation of the vaccine schedule, dropping all vaccine mandates, and rescinding the 1986 Vaccine Injury Compensation Act.

Speaker 0 claimed that none of the 72 vaccines mandated for children has ever been safety tested in relicensing placebo-controlled trials. He said Fauci has been denying this for eight years and recounted a 2016 appointment by President Trump to run a vaccine safety commission, where he asked Fauci and Collins to meet with him with White House counsel. He stated that at that meeting Fauci said, “you say I’m lying,” and promised to send the study, but he never received it. He asserted that he sued Fauci and Aaron Siri, and after a year of stonewalling, government lawyers admitted on the courthouse steps that they never had any study, and provided a written acknowledgment. He pointed to a CHC website and his own website where the letter from HHS is posted. He claimed there is “no downstream liability” and “no front end safety testing,” which he said saves vaccine makers a quarter of a billion dollars. He further argued there is no marketing and advertising cost because the federal government orders 78,000,000 school kids to take that vaccine every year. He described a “gold rush” to add vaccines to the schedule, which he argued is unnecessary for most of them, and claimed many vaccines target diseases that are not even casually contagious. He contended that once a vaccine is on the recommended schedule, it becomes a billion-dollar-a-year business for the company. He asserted that NIH bears royalties in many cases. According to him, a set of vaccines expanded to 72 shots and 16 vaccines contributed to a dramatic increase in vaccine offerings. He linked this expansion to a broader push around vaccines, including the HPV vaccine. He also claimed that in 1989 there was an explosion of chronic disease in American children, including neurological diseases, ADD, ADHD, sleep disorders, language delays, ASD (autism), Tourette syndrome, tics, and narcolepsy. He stated that autism prevalence rose from one in ten thousand generations ago to one in thirty-four children today, citing CDC data. Overall, the summary repeats assertions about the lack of placebo-controlled safety testing, the admission of no study, financial and regulatory incentives to expand vaccine schedules, and a sharp rise in diagnosed neurological and developmental conditions beginning around 1989.

In the video, the speaker discusses the lack of accountability for vaccine manufacturers. They explain that in the 1980s, there were only three routine childhood vaccines, but now there are 17, with 14 being routine. The speaker highlights that the manufacturers convinced Congress to grant them immunity for any harm caused by their vaccines, leading to the National Childhood Vaccines Act in 1986. This immunity extends to future vaccines added to the childhood schedule. The speaker emphasizes that this level of immunity is not seen in other consumer products, which holds manufacturers accountable for any harm caused. They also mention that emergency youth vaccines, like the COVID-19 vaccine, have separate immunity under the PrEP Act. The speaker argues that this lack of liability disincentivizes safety and affects the conduct of clinical trials and post-market actions by pharmaceutical companies.

The speaker states that many people have been injured by the COVID vaccine, some fatally or permanently disabled, and that these people are not receiving sufficient care or attention. The speaker says that the 1986 Vaccine Act is a major impediment to change. According to the speaker, Congress recognized that vaccines were "unavoidably unsafe" when it granted vaccine companies immunity, so it created a federal program with a trust fund to compensate those injured. The program is funded by a 75% surcharge on every vaccine. The speaker says the vaccine court is supposed to be generous and fast, but the speaker believes the lawyers defaulted to protecting the trust fund instead of taking care of people. The speaker says the program has paid out over $5 billion to about 12,000 people. The speaker says they are looking at ways to enlarge the program so that COVID vaccine-injured people can be compensated, including enlarging the statute of limitations.

The speaker states the vaccine recommendation panel has been under attack for 20 years. A 2002 congressional investigation allegedly found 97% of panel members had conflicts of interest with the pharmaceutical industry. One instance cited four out of five members working for a company when they approved its vaccine, and one voting member held a patent on that vaccine, later sold for $186 million. The speaker says the goal is to ensure the panel consists of individuals without conflicts of interest who are not profiting from their votes. The speaker claims that since the panel's inception in 1986, the vaccine schedule has expanded from 11 doses of five vaccines to 69 to 92 doses of 19 vaccines, none of which have been tested for safety. The speaker asserts this is malpractice and aims to ensure all vaccines are tested for safety so physicians and patients understand the risk profile and benefits of each vaccine.

The speaker claims COVID vaccines are not actually vaccines and have caused unbelievable problems and damage. They allege the virus escaped from a lab with six manipulated inserts and the vaccine was 80% homologous to humans, causing major side effects. The speaker states that governments were informed but ignored warnings. They further claim the vaccines' quality control was appalling, the manufacturing process changed, and they were full of contaminants that can integrate into the genome, leading to massive excess deaths and a rise in cancer. The speaker questions why the vaccines haven't been banned, given COVID's diminished threat. They criticize the vaccination of children and call the vaccines "horrible gene therapies" causing "turbo cancers." They advocate for trials for those involved and accuse medical officers and regulatory bodies like MHRA, TGA, and FDA of incompetence and negligence, likening the situation to the Nuremberg trials. They assert the vaccines were never effective or safe, citing Pfizer's initial submissions to the FDA.

The speaker states they searched for years for a pre-licensing safety trial of the 72 vaccine doses effectively mandated for American children. They claim that every other medication requires a safety trial comparing health outcomes in a placebo group versus a vaccine group before FDA licensing. The speaker assumed this was also done for vaccines. They state they found out that vaccines were exempt from this requirement.

The speaker claims a committee experienced typical conflict, but a specific conflict was particularly obvious. The Office of Inspector General and Congress investigated and urged change, but nothing happened. The speaker asserts this group committed medical malpractice by approving vaccines, increasing the number from 11 in 1986 to 69 and then 92. They state that, except for the COVID vaccine, none had pre-licensing safety trials with a true placebo. According to the speaker, these vaccines were introduced without safety studies, meaning the risk profiles are unknown. The speaker attributes this to corruption and agency capture.

Speaker 1 states that no vaccines, including the COVID vaccine, have been properly tested. They claim that no childhood vaccine has undergone a placebo-controlled clinical trial of sufficient duration and power to assess its safety before being injected into millions of children in America. Speaker 1 asserts this is not an opinion, but can be verified by anyone reviewing package inserts and clinical trial documents on the FDA website.

A law called Vika was passed in 1986, making it illegal to sue vaccine companies, regardless of recklessness or negligence. As a result, the number of mandated vaccines has increased from 3 to 79, none of which have been safety tested. The speaker claims that vaccines are exempt from pre-licensing safety testing, a claim that Anthony Fauci publicly denied. When President Trump appointed the speaker to run a vaccine safety commission, the speaker asked Fauci to provide safety studies on vaccines. Fauci claimed he left them in his office and never sent them. Subsequently, the speaker and Aaron Siri sued Fauci. After a year of stonewalling, HHS provided a letter stating that there has never been a pre-licensing safety study of any vaccine on the childhood schedule.