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Curious Showell visits a Hasidic village in Upstate New York described as having about 44,000 residents who primarily speak Yiddish and average seven kids per family. Showell claims the community relies heavily on state assistance and welfare programs such as Medicare, SNAP, housing assistance, and tax credits because of the large families. When asked how many kids people have here, Showell is told “Seventeen, eighteen,” and that they are “proud to do what the Torah says, that you need be multiple and fruitful.” He asks how they can afford many children, and the response is that wealthy community members give charity and the community is based on this. Showell questions whether people are on welfare. One person references taxes and property payments, saying, “The Jewish people, Justin Kirsch, Joel, their taxes covers everything that we take back. They pay a lot of property …” The interviewee refuses to comment about welfare use, and when pressed further about someone being on welfare, declines to answer. In terms of employment, individuals describe themselves as having jobs in sales and home care, with one mentioning selling chocolate. There is uncertainty about who uses welfare: Showell notes that “Most people on Medicaid, SNAP, EBT” while the interviewee claims not to know “for other people” but says “I’m not gonna tell about myself.” When asked about EBT usage, one person initially states “100%” would use EBT for groceries, then corrects to “35%,” indicating a lack of consensus. Showell also asks what most men do for work; the response includes “I have a job” and “I’m in sales,” with the product being food, specifically chocolate. Showell and the interviewee visit a synagogue where many are praying, with a note that the schedule is “09:00 sharp.” The dialogue touches on welfare use within the community, with one line indicating that “BT percent, like all of the communities, you have eight kids, you can also get benefits,” followed by a statement that “These are all teenagers” and the age of Showell’s interviewer as 21. In closing, Showell characterizes the situation as an example of a theocratic ethnic enclave, suggesting that Curious Joel is an example of only Jews living there and that many are tapping into welfare benefits.

The speaker recounts personally observing alarming EBT receipts while working at a grocery store, citing one instance of $13,000 spent on EBT food and $29,000 on EBT cash. The speaker expresses frustration, questioning how individuals receiving assistance can afford to dress very well while Americans struggle to afford necessities like work boots. The speaker views this as a serious problem.

Speaker 0 reviewed a Walmart order from two years ago, where 45 grocery items for a month cost $126. Using the reorder function, the same 45 items now cost $414. This represents a fourfold increase in price.

Speaker 0 insists Speaker 1 is not allowed to get a job because it will negatively impact Speaker 0's Section 8 benefits and link card. Speaker 1 questions how they are supposed to be successful in life if they can't work and must remain broke to receive Section 8. Speaker 0 states the government can help them and they don't need to work. Speaker 1 argues their friends have jobs and nice houses. Speaker 0 reiterates that if Speaker 1 gets a job, it will affect Speaker 0's Section 8. Speaker 1 suggests getting their own Section 8, but Speaker 0 warns it will be a difficult process. Speaker 0 advises Speaker 1 to get on Section 8, find an apartment, get a link card, and not work, because the government is there to help.

The speaker describes a policy change regarding EBT/food stamp usage, stating that some establishments explicitly prohibit EBT payments ("no EBT"). Furthermore, the speaker claims that EBT can now only be used to purchase steak, chicken, and vegetables, with restrictions on snacks and shrimp. The speaker emphasizes the finality of these changes.

The speaker discusses a new shopping technology that enables customers to ring up their own items. They point to a screen that shows options like “start shopping” and express that this could change how people shop by reducing the need for cashiers. The speaker imagines a scenario where you could pay for everything directly through the cart, with phrases such as “pay for your shit like this, continue as guest,” and then proceeds to test the system. They describe the steps involved: adding a product, “Face it,” then “You scan the shit as you put it in the cart. Place it in the cart.” They note not to hold items and to “Just put it in there.” The speaker references instructions or a tutorial section, saying “How to add produce. Look.” They emphasize the overall concept by stating, “This new technology, man, putting this shit right,” and then reiterate the core idea that you can pay for everything “right through the cart.” They highlight that the system appears to support EBT, calling it part of “the new wave right here” and describing it as “the new technology shit.” Throughout, the speaker pivots between demonstrations and assertions, repeatedly connecting the technology to broader implications: that it could be a way to “put the cashiers out of work” and that this represents a transformative shift in shopping. They reinforce the idea with enthusiastic repetition, underscoring the notion that this technology signifies a new trend or wave in retail, culminating in the closing remark that the new technology aims to remove the need for cashier staff altogether, with ongoing emphasis on paying through the cart and the inclusion of EBT as part of the system.

Rent, groceries, car insurance, utilities, and everyday expenses have skyrocketed in price over the past few years. The speaker used to pay $1200 for rent, but now it's a staggering $21100, not including utilities. A simple trip to the grocery store cost them $67 for just three bags of chips, ground turkey, and vegetables. Their car insurance has also increased from $130 to $240 per month, despite having a clean driving record. Electric bills have gone up from an average of $45 to $125. Even buying a can of dip costs $8. The speaker is frustrated with the rising cost of living.

I currently have no cash available as it's all tied up. I can't even call a taxi because I don't have a credit card or checking account. The little cash I saved is almost gone. I do have a business and can manage business expenses, but I have to be very careful to avoid mixing personal and business expenses. Unlike others, I would face serious consequences for any mistakes.

I don't have money because my account hasn't been deposited with 3,600 pesos yet. I'm not sure if it goes into my bank account. Can you check? Also, is there any balance on that card?

So somebody puts an EBT card in there. Would you close your eyes? You don't don't look? I don't know. Well, what do you know? So the reason we're here is for your food stamps. You don't have a license to take food stamps here. But I don't have the machine. That white machine on the counter. It's a white Valor point of sale machine. Machine. Are you gonna tell me I don't do EBT? I didn't have that. Sure. Why don't you call you got your phone? Call the owner. Tell them to come on down. We're gonna have a little chat. And then the extension that they had connected to it. Generate a million dollars in illegal transactions in a year without difficulty at all. So this is becoming very popular? Yes. Unfortunately, it is. And how long have you been taking EV

They’re discussing a benefits card that can be used in stores for basic needs. The card works at Ordiana, pharmacy, and everything, with no restriction overall, but there are specific limits: you cannot buy liquor or cigarettes. It’s restricted to food and clothes, with the implication that it covers essentials but not alcohol or tobacco. The speakers note that without the card and the money deposited each month, life would be different. They say the card deposits $100 every month, which is equivalent to 22,000 pesos. They discuss whether that amount is a lot. They answer that it isn’t much. They then talk about what you can do with that money. One major use is paying rent. They mention paying 114,100 a month in Chappas, and state that rent there is cheaper than where they are now. They contrast this by saying you pay 1,400 a month here, whereas here it’s 3,000. Finally, they acknowledge that the card helps, at least for food and related needs. The overall tone is that the card provides some essential support, particularly for basic purchases and rent, but the monthly amount is modest and the cost of living varies between places.

The speaker received two Medicaid cards and went to Walmart to buy approved items. According to a Walmart associate, the cards can be used for hygiene products and healthy foods. The speaker purchased cheese, lettuce, cucumbers, and tomatoes. They also used their WIC benefits to buy juice for their kids, selecting four 64-ounce containers. The kids wanted candy, but the speaker said they would return later for that. The speaker's children joined them at the checkout. The transaction was successful, and the speaker will return with a part two video showing the snacks their kids picked out.

The speaker mentions that the people they are referring to are well-prepared and knowledgeable about everything. They discuss how these individuals know what to say when it comes to seeking asylum. The speaker also mentions that these individuals receive certain benefits, including a monthly check and a cost of living check. They speculate that the amount is around $22,100 for one parent and one child. They also mention that these individuals can bring another parent or child with them. The speaker notes that all of these individuals are single parents and suggests that they may already have relatives or significant others in the country.

Chairman Perry and members of the caucus, I thank you for inviting me to discuss what I describe as the most historic mass migration crisis ever to strike The United States. What has happened at the Southern border is history-making in scope with long-lasting second, third, and fourth order implications for American citizens. The mass migration that began around inauguration day 2021 calls for a broader public discussion about what it is and how it works. During its first year and now into its second, I interviewed hundreds of immigrants, most recently on an eight-day fact-finding journey to Tapachula, on the Guatemala–Mexico border. From my vantage point, there is one root cause most often cited by the immigrating foreign nationals for coming now: that President Joe Biden opened the American southern border wide to them. They see on social media, from hundreds of thousands who have gone before, secure quick releases and resettlement into America—the ultimate golden chalice—and they decide to gamble large smuggling investments that criminal smuggling gangs will get them in to stay too. With such an enticing return on smuggling investment, no thinking person should wonder why this global migration hit a national record of nearly 2,000,000 border patrol apprehensions in a single year with probably 500,000 more gotaways, an undercount. The caucus should know that nonprofit advocacy groups and, more notably, the United Nations appear to be working alongside the criminal smuggling organizations on the same mission. United Nations agencies such as the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) are providing hard cash, food, shelter, legal services, and psychological services along the migrant trails, which also materially facilitate journeys that everyone involved knows lead to illegal American border crossings. In various forms, the UN and the nonprofits it funds contribute to the current mass migration crisis. I found a UNHCR stamp booklet discarded on the Rio Grande riverbank on the Mexican side, and I observed handout cash debit cards to migrants in long lines. Workers reported that they give $400 every fifteen days to families of four, renewable every two weeks. The UN tells me only the most vulnerable receive this cash, yet in Reynosa and Tapachula, long lines at UNHCR offices revealed regular family units, many with debit cards, who said they might have to leave the migrant trail and go home without this money. The cards are part of a vast and escalating UN program called cash-based interventions along the migrant trail through Latin America, including unrestricted, unconditionally usable plastic cash cards, cash-filled envelopes in some areas, money transfers for lodging and pharmaceutical prescriptions, and something called movement assistance—transportation money to move forward when camps empty and reform further north. Credible reporting shows the UN is providing these forms of assistance along the trail from South America to Texas. On a Kakuta to Bogota, Colombia segment, the UN was seen handing out food, clothing, and necessities worth an estimated $200 to $300 per migrant per day. Non-cash assistance keeps migrants on the US trail; in Tapachula, Mexican asylum approval is important for permission to move legally beyond the southern provinces toward the US border. But many coming from Guatemala tell Mexican immigration they are seeking US jobs, which is not an eligible asylum claim, so they are denied. I did learn of a UN-funded migrant advocacy center where a full-time staff of certified psychologists helps migrants recover repressed memories of more eligible persecution. This manager said his group also trains migrants on how to pass muster with Mexican asylum interviewers the first time around, producing a 90% success rate for thousands a year. Other UN-funded psychologists offer similar work. If true, the UNHCR in Mexico has found another way to keep thousands more on the trail toward the American border. Some will defend this UN assistance as lifesaving; others will view it differently, and they will want to know more. Americans deserve to know the full extent of it, because the United States is the UN’s largest donor, and the US Congress appropriates a huge amount of money to the UN each year. Thank you. I note that the border is a national security concern. Recently, I reported a Venezuelan crossing the Rio Grande from Matamoros to Brownsville, and the FBI-wanted individual held in ICE headquarters here in Washington, D.C. intervened and demanded he be ordered released because he might get COVID in detention. He is now living freely pursuing an asylum claim in Detroit. Thank you.

A migrant family of four in New York receives significant benefits, including over $20 a month in freebies, $500 a night for hotel stays, $130 a day for food, and just $5 a month for their two kids in public school. This doesn’t include additional perks like $1,000 cash gift cards from Mayor Adams, free healthcare, free phones, free legal assistance, and $400,000 in college tuition for dreamers. In contrast, working taxpayers in New York struggle to afford housing, paying around $1,000 for small living spaces. The speaker highlights their own 80 square foot apartment, which costs $1,754.

The speaker asserts that the core reason many people are upset about food stamp and SNAP benefit programs is not the policy itself but the practice of selling food stamps for cash. They claim that a large number of individuals in New York and other states are buying and selling their food stamps at corner stores and delis, effectively exchanging the benefits for cash. The speaker provides concrete-sounding examples to illustrate the scale of this activity, saying that people are obtaining around $7,000 in food stamps and selling them for cash, or receiving about $4,000 in food stamps and taking roughly $1,000 in cash in exchange. They emphasize that this selling is happening “everywhere,” suggesting it is widespread and not confined to a single area. The speaker also notes that those involved will not admit to selling their food stamps, but insists that it is happening. The overall message is that the dissatisfaction with the SNAP program, in the speaker’s view, stems from the illicit resale of benefits rather than the program’s intent or structure, and that these practices are pervasive across various locations. The speaker foregrounds the belief that the practice is common enough to explain the anger and protests, and they present the assertion as an observed phenomenon rather than a hypothetical concern. The emphasis remains on the alleged pattern of selling SNAP benefits for cash, the amounts involved, and the universality of the practice, coupled with the expectation that the participants would deny it publicly. The speaker’s rhetoric centers on the perception of widespread resale activity and its role in fueling controversy around food stamp benefits.

An individual expresses outrage over a receipt allegedly left by a Venezuelan migrant in a New York City bodega. The receipt purportedly shows a food stamp balance of $13,401.82 and a cash balance of $4,498.85 on a taxpayer-funded EBT card. The speaker contrasts this with the struggles of veterans and senior citizens. They claim Kamala Harris has an open checkbook on the taxpayer's dime and spends lavishly. The speaker suggests Harris will provide government subsidies to migrants for housing while citizens struggle. They reference videos from Venezuela showing protests against the recent election and accuse Nicolas Maduro of refusing to leave power. The speaker asks if people want four more years of this and questions why the migrant receives $13,000 a month in food stamps and $5,000 in cash.

Speaker 0 helps a customer named Patricia at the grocery store. Patricia is worried about the cost of her items, but Speaker 0 reassures her. They go through the checkout process, and Patricia is anxious about the prices. Speaker 0 encourages her to stay strong and not look at the total. Patricia feels overwhelmed, but Speaker 0 tells her it will be okay. Finally, Patricia pays and is able to take her groceries home.

The transcript is a long, candid interview with a 16-year-old Palestinian boy who was born in the United Arab Emirates, lived in Gaza, and has been stuck there since the war began. He shares his daily life under war and a subsequent ceasefire, offering a firsthand look at how people survive when basic services are scarce. Key background - The speaker was born and raised in the UAE, moved to Gaza in 2021 for financial reasons, and his father remains in the UAE while his mother and siblings are with him in Gaza. They have tried to leave Gaza since day one of the war in October 2023 but have not succeeded after two years. - He emphasizes his family’s current safety improved after the ceasefire, noting that “the safe zone has expanded” and that he’s back in his house, though life remains difficult. Life during and after the ceasefire - Since the ceasefire started, there is a sense of tentative normalcy: “the saves zone has expanded,” more trucks and goods are entering stores, and he is back at home. - People are hopeful about the ceasefire, even if only “1%” of hope remains, as many are clinging to any sign of improvement. - The boy describes ongoing exhaustion from two years of war, noting that he wants to return to school, finish high school, and consider university, possibly in America or the UAE, with planned studies in marketing or business. Living conditions and daily necessities - Power relies on solar panels; he charges his phone at a neighbor’s solar setup. - Food and water are precarious. Most markets have scarce, expensive, or poor-quality items; there is a lack of basic foods such as eggs, chicken, and various meats for months. Prices fluctuate sharply; for example, a kilogram of cucumber is now much more expensive than in the UAE (around $5, compared to under $2 before the war). Rent for a two-room apartment is about $500 per month, a high sum in Gaza, and some people paid much more at the onset of the war. - He explains how money gets into Gaza: crypto is used, with a fundraiser in GoFundMe-style format, and a fundraiser manager sends money via crypto to cash exchanges. A notable fee (historically up to about 50%, later down to around 20-20%) is charged to convert crypto to cash. - Electricity is limited; there are some generators in some areas, but many rely on solar power. Water is obtained from wells and the nearby sea; early in the war, he filled up water jugs daily, but the situation has somewhat improved. - Sewage and bathrooms in tents are degraded; tents involve improvised setups with holes and improvised plumbing, especially when rain hits. There is no functioning sewage system in many tents. - Hospitals and medical care: anesthesia exists in some hospitals, but transport to outside Gaza for urgent care can be necessary; ambulances exist but depend on fuel and access. If a person is seriously injured without timely transport, outcomes can be dire. - Education and daily life: schools are destroyed or unusable; studying under siege is extremely challenging. The speaker notes that most people in Gaza face unemployment (the claimed unemployment rate being 99-100%), with many living on aid or in tents. Security and societal dynamics - Security during the war was weak; there were incidents of car theft and people evading identification by removing license plates. After the ceasefire, Hamas has reasserted some police and security roles in the area. - The speaker mentions that his cousin died because he could not access medical treatment promptly during the war. - The boy has used fundraising and humanitarian partnerships (Human Concern International) to distribute aid and sponsor orphans, with daily food distributions continuing through the ceasefire. Social and personal aspects - He notes that many people would leave Gaza if they could find a stable job abroad, while others remain due to lack of options or safety concerns. His own family’s situation remains precarious but currently safer than during peak hostilities. - He continues to document life in Gaza, balancing a resilient, hopeful outlook with the harsh realities around him. He envisions education and a future career, possibly in marketing, and expresses gratitude for the support he has received while acknowledging the ongoing hardship of daily life in a war-torn region.

The speaker is describing issues with payment deposits that were supposed to be made to their account. They indicate that deposits were scheduled for January 7 and January 14, but to date, nothing has been deposited. They point out that deposits on those dates were expected, yet “they deposit nothing,” leaving the account without funds. They then discuss what they were supposed to receive in total. The speaker asks what they were supposed to receive and references the last payment, confirming an amount of 3600 pesos. They reiterate that the amount discussed is 3600 pesos, and they refer to “the first” payment in connection with that amount, indicating that 3600 pesos was associated with the initial or first payment in the sequence. In relation to where the money should go, the speaker confirms that the funds are supposed to go to their bank account. They ask whether the money goes to a bank account or a card, and the responses confirm that there is both a bank account and a card involved. The participant confirms, “Yes,” there is an account and a card. Finally, the speaker clarifies the current status of funds. They ask if anything is on the card now or if there is money elsewhere, and the responder confirms that there is no money: “Dinero, No, no hay dinero.” They restate that there is nothing at all and that no deposits have been made, leaving them with no funds in the account or on the card.

The speaker reports being unable to buy food in China. After receiving a cell phone linked to a Chinese bank card, the account was flagged, requiring facial recognition identity verification. The speaker expresses disbelief at needing facial recognition to spend a gift card balance. The speaker failed the verification, as the phone setup was done by a cousin. As a result, the speaker is once again unable to buy anything.

The speaker argues that much of the backlash against SNAP benefits stems from people selling their food stamps. They claim that in New York and other states, individuals go to corner stores or delis to sell their food stamps for cash. The speaker states that some people receive around $7,000 in food stamps and sell them for cash, while others get about $4,000 in food stamps and take roughly $1,000 in cash. They emphasize that this selling is happening “everywhere.” The speaker also notes that people who sell food stamps will never admit to doing so, but asserts that it is happening.

The speaker discusses how the cartel informs them about everything and how they know all the details of their activities. They mention that they don't care about someone wanting to know more and that the cost for something is around 22100. They also mention that once people have a ticket to their desired destination, they no longer need ankle monitors. The speaker finds it interesting that there are no married couples or parents present, only single parents. They speculate that these single parents may already have relatives in the area.

Venezuelan migrants in Chicago allegedly receive benefits including $50,000 in food stamps, $5,000 cash, and six months of free rent, possibly prioritized over citizens. Some report hearing of two years of free rent. Some Chicago residents are angry because people needing Medicaid and food stamps are rejected. Some families beg for money and food, then allegedly evade bus and train fares without consequence. One person describes a car with Venezuelan markings driving by their house.

Speaker 0 asks Speaker 1 if they found everything they needed. Speaker 1 expresses concern about the high cost of their groceries and mentions their in-laws wanting a charcuterie board. Speaker 0 reassures Speaker 1 and tells them to stay focused. Speaker 1 continues to worry as the total increases. Speaker 0 advises Speaker 1 to not look at the numbers and to stay focused on them. Speaker 1 suggests scanning cheaper items, but Speaker 0 explains that small expenses add up. Speaker 0 prepares Speaker 1 for scanning more items, causing Speaker 1 to panic. Speaker 0 encourages Speaker 1 to stay strong and promises that they will eventually question their purchases. Speaker 0 weighs the grapes and gives the total. Speaker 1 reacts negatively, but Speaker 0 tells them to stay determined.