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In 2015, a 153-page agreement between Moderna and the US government reveals collaboration with Dr. Barrick on mRNA coronavirus vaccine candidates. The NIH co-owns the vaccine, as shown in the agreement. This predates current events and raises questions about ulterior motives.

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In 2012, DARPA initiated the Adept Protect P3 Program, aiming to prevent pandemics using gene-encoded vaccines based on RNA or DNA. This approach was intended to stop a pandemic within 60 days. The development of vaccines under Operation Warp Speed, announced by President Trump, was not a new concept but had been in progress since 2012. The military, not Pfizer or Moderna, proposed the idea of messenger RNA vaccines. The military has various biological threat programs, including those for smallpox, monkeypox, and anthrax. The Emergency Use Authorization, initially designed for rapid military technology deployment, was first applied to the public during the COVID-19 pandemic.

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A bombshell report reveals that the Department of Defense controlled the COVID-19 program from the beginning, using shady approval authorizations to shield big pharma from liability. The Pentagon used laws like the PrEP Act, Emergency Use Authorization, and Other Transaction Authority to protect pharmaceutical companies. Documents obtained by a former executive show that the vaccines were not compliant with good manufacturing practices, with extreme variability in adverse events. Clinical trials were deceptive, with subjects and investigators kept in the dark. The National Security Council treated COVID as an act of war, while telling the public it was a health event. The Pentagon's influence extends to multiple agencies, with a secret Pandemic Enterprise formed in 2013. The countermeasures used are prototypes, not fully tested vaccines.

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A bombshell report reveals that the Department of Defense controlled the COVID-19 program from the start, using shady approval authorizations to shield big pharma from liability. The Pentagon employed laws like the PrEP Act, Emergency Use Authorization, and Other Transaction Authority to protect pharmaceutical companies and avoid proper clinical trials. Documents obtained by a former pharmaceutical executive, Sasha Lydipova, confirm that the vaccines were not good manufacturing practice compliant, with extreme variability in adverse events. The Pentagon's involvement stems from treating COVID-19 as an act of war, with the National Security Council setting policy. The deception extends to censoring lab leak theories and coordinating efforts across multiple agencies. The public was misled about the nature of the vaccines, which were actually prototypes and not subject to proper testing.

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Moderna, currently in stage 3 of vaccine development, is believed to have already developed the vaccine. Interestingly, Anthony Fauci, the first CEO of Moderna, was a Cornell graduate and roommates with Bill Gates. Moderna has connections to IG Farben, a company involved in World War II, which was later broken up by George Soros, who then formed Moderna. Bill Gates, Anthony Fauci, and George Soros are all associated with Moderna. Additionally, Jeffrey Epstein was a major financial backer of Moderna until his alleged death.

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I discovered the CIA's involvement in vaccine production while researching Pfizer. Notably, the CEO of In-Q-Tel, the CIA's investment group, is on the board of Resilience, a biotech company that partnered with Moderna. Resilience has received significant government funding and has ties to various high-profile investors. Key figures like Bob Nelson and Luciana Borio, who have connections to the intelligence community and the FDA, are involved with Resilience. During Operation Warp Speed, Moderna collaborated with this newly formed company, which aims to innovate biomanufacturing and develop gene therapies and vaccines. The connections between these organizations and individuals raise questions about the intertwining of intelligence, big pharma, and government interests in public health initiatives.

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The vaccines were developed by the NIH, not Moderna or Pfizer. The patents are 50% owned by the NIH, and they were manufactured by military contractors. Pfizer and Moderna were paid to put their names on the vaccines, but it was a military project from the start.

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The pandemic created numerous new billionaires in the pharmaceutical industry, with companies like Moderna and Pfizer making massive profits from the COVID-19 vaccine. Many members of Congress received campaign funding from pharmaceutical companies. Pfizer's chairman claimed they developed the vaccine for the benefit of humanity, but the company still made a staggering $100 billion in profit. This raises questions about an economic system where pharmaceutical companies profit from emergencies, similar to how the military-industrial complex benefits from war and energy companies benefit from energy crises. Such a system perpetuates states of crisis, prioritizing the interests of the elite over ordinary people.

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In 1966, a transatlantic experiment on coronavirus manipulation began. Human trials with modified coronavirus started in 1967. Pfizer patented the first spike protein vaccine in 1990. Research showed vaccines were ineffective against mutating coronaviruses from 1990 to 2018. The University of North Carolina patented an infectious replication-defective clone of coronavirus in 2002, funded by Anthony Fauci. SARS 1.0 was engineered in a lab, not a natural occurrence. The CDC patented SARS coronavirus in 2003, violating biological and chemical weapons treaties. The RT PCR test was flagged as a bioterrorism threat in 2003 and labeled a biowarfare enabling agent from 2005 onwards. Over $10 billion was funneled through black operations involving Anthony Fauci.

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The vaccines were not developed by Moderna or Pfizer, but by the NIH. The patents are owned by the NIH, and the vaccines were manufactured by military contractors. Pfizer and Moderna were paid to put their stamps on the vaccines, but this was originally a military project.

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A bombshell report reveals that the Department of Defense controlled the COVID-19 program from the beginning, using shady approval authorizations to shield big pharma from liability. The Pentagon used laws like the PrEP Act, Emergency Use Authorization, and Other Transaction Authority to protect pharmaceutical companies and avoid proper clinical trials. The documents obtained by Sasha Lydipova, a former executive of a pharmaceutical contract resource organization, show that the vaccines were not good manufacturing practice compliant and had extreme variability in adverse events. The Pentagon's involvement was part of treating COVID as an act of war, with the National Security Council setting policy. The deception extended to censoring lab leak theories and keeping the public in the dark.

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Trump gave Moderna's COO a billion-dollar check to develop a vaccine quickly, bypassing FDA regulations. Human trials began after testing on mice. Many doubted the speed and safety of the process, but the vaccine was developed in 6 months. Concerns were raised by vaccine experts about the rushed development.

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The vaccines were not developed by Moderna and Pfizer, but by the NIH, which owns 50% of the patents. Furthermore, the vaccines were not manufactured by Pfizer or Moderna, but by military contractors. Pfizer and Moderna were allegedly paid to put their stamps on the vaccines as if they came from the pharmaceutical industry, but it was supposedly a military project.

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COVID-19 has been a fortunate rescue for vaccine companies tied to the US military. One such company is BioPort, now known as Emergent BioSolutions, which faced controversy over its anthrax vaccine monopoly. The vaccine caused adverse effects and Gulf War Syndrome in US troops. The Pentagon bailed out BioPort multiple times due to safety violations. They partnered with Battelle, known for gain of function research, which involved the anthrax vaccine. However, the 9/11 attacks derailed plans to release a report on the vaccine program. Donald Rumsfeld stepped in to save the program, and concerns about the vaccine disappeared. Today, Moderna faces a similar situation, as COVID-19 saved them from collapse. A slight delay would have spelled their demise.

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In 2012, DARPA initiated the ADEPT Protect P3 program for pandemic prevention using gene-encoded vaccines. The military had been working on mRNA vaccines since then, not as a response to COVID-19. Operation Warp Speed was not as rapid as claimed, with contractors like Moderna receiving funding in 2013. The military's involvement in developing vaccines and monoclonal antibodies predates the pandemic, with emergency use authorization primarily for military use. The FDA's lack of control over the process reflects its military origin, executed with military precision. No one is exempt from its reach.

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In 2012, DARPA started the ADEPT Protect p3 program, aiming to use gene-encoded vaccines based on RNA or DNA to prevent pandemics within 60 days. This approach was already in progress when President Trump launched Operation Warp Speed in response to COVID-19. The military had been working on mRNA vaccines since 2012, with Moderna receiving its first contract in 2013. The military has various biological threat programs, including those for Smallpox, Monkeypox, and anthrax. The idea of mRNA vaccines originated from the military, not Pfizer or Moderna, and it was not a direct response to the Wuhan outbreak. Emergency use authorization, primarily for the military, was later applied to the public during the COVID-19 pandemic.

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In 1965, coronavirus was identified as a pathogen that could be modified for various purposes. In 1966, the first transatlantic biological experiment using a coronavirus model was conducted. In 1967, human trials were conducted on modified coronavirus. In 1990, Pfizer filed the first patent for a spike protein vaccine for coronavirus. It was found that coronavirus mutates too quickly for vaccines to be effective. In 2002, the University of North Carolina Chapel Hill patented an infectious replication defective clone of coronavirus. The CDC filed a patent on SARS coronavirus isolated from humans in 2003. The RT PCR test for coronavirus was identified as a bioterrorism threat in 2002. Gain of function research on coronavirus was exempted from a moratorium in 2014. In 2016, a journal article stated that SARS coronavirus was poised for human emergence. In 2019, Moderna modified patent applications to include the term "accidental or intentional release of a respiratory pathogen." The goal was to create a universal vaccine template. The intent was to use coronavirus to achieve this. The speaker concludes by calling for an end to gain of function research and corporate patronage of science without assuming product liability.

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In 2001, the same year Dr. Peter Hotez wrote "Vaccines as Instruments of Foreign Policy," Donald Rumsfeld, formerly head of a pharmaceutical company, became head of the Pentagon. The speaker questions how someone qualified to run a pharmaceutical company in 1997 could become head of the U.S. military, requiring expertise in military matters. Rumsfeld was previously the U.S. ambassador to NATO before running Gilead Sciences in 1997. After George Bush, son of George H.W. Bush, became president, he appointed Rumsfeld to lead the military after 9/11. The speaker asks what medicine has to do with the military, and if medical facilities, treatments, clinics, trucks, supplies, and personnel are fronts for military activity globally. The speaker suggests examining regions with scandals, like Pakistan in 2011, Cuba in 2014, and Venezuela in 2019, and mapping USA, State Department, and DARPA grants to medical facilities and transportation to military activity and other scandals. The speaker questions how deep this connection goes and if it contributed to the biosecurity state during COVID.

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In 2015, a 153-page agreement between Moderna and the US government reveals collaboration with Dr. Barrick on mRNA tech for a coronavirus vaccine. The NIH co-owns the vaccine candidates with Moderna. This predates current events and raises questions about government involvement in vaccine ownership.

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Big companies said it wasn't possible, but Trump gave Moderna's COO $1 billion to develop a vaccine quickly. They started human trials after testing on mice. Many were skeptical, but the vaccine was ready in 6 months. Some experts raised concerns about the rushed development process.

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In 2015, a 153-page confidential agreement between Moderna and the US government reveals collaboration with Dr. Barrick on mRNA coronavirus vaccines. The NIH co-owns the vaccine candidates with Moderna. This predates current events and raises questions about ulterior motives.

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In 2012, DARPA initiated the ADEPT Protect P3 program for pandemic prevention using gene-encoded vaccines. The military had been working on mRNA vaccines since then, not just in response to COVID-19. The rapid development of vaccines under Operation Warp Speed was part of a long-term military program. The FDA's lack of control over the process is due to its military origins. The military approach to vaccine development leaves no one exempt.

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Speaker 0 discusses the origin and framing of pandemic prevention and vaccine development as a military-led initiative. He cites a 2012 DARPA program called the Adept Protect p three program, described as a pandemic prevention platform. The proposal outlined the use of gene-encoded vaccines based on RNA or DNA with the goal of stopping a pandemic within sixty days. He suggests that, by the time President Trump referenced “Operation Warp Speed” to develop vaccines, there should have been preparation and acknowledgement that this work dated back to 2012, making it not rapid innovation but a decade-long effort. He argues that the public narrative of rapid development and stunning innovation surrounding vaccines is deceptive and that contractors like Moderna had already secured multi-million-dollar contracts in 2013. He notes that the military operates programs addressing biological threats and also works on answers such as monoclonal antibodies and vaccines. The claim is made that the military originated the idea of messenger RNA vaccines, not Pfizer or Moderna, and not in response to the outbreak from Wuhan. According to the speaker, this is a military program in origin and administration. The speaker asserts that Health and Human Services, under Alex Azar, together with the Department of Defense, ushered the public into a vaccine era, framing Emergency Use Authorization as a mechanism to rapidly deploy new technology into the military rather than the public. He contends that this mechanism’s broad public application began with the COVID-19 pandemic, which is presented as evidence that the FDA lacks ownership or control over the process because the program is characterized as military in origin and execution. The overall claim is that the program operates like a military operation with universal reach and without exemptions, implying a deeply embedded military approach to vaccine development and deployment. Throughout, the speaker emphasizes the continuity from a 2012 program proposal through to the public health landscape observed during and after the COVID-19 pandemic, asserting that the military’s involvement, timeline, and governance underlie the current vaccine paradigm and its regulatory pathways.

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Emergent Biosolutions & The Anthrax Vaccine with Dr. Meryl Nass
Guests: Dr. Meryl Nass
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Whitney Webb hosts a discussion with Dr. Meryl Nass about Emergent BioSolutions, formerly BioPort, the anthrax vaccine AVA/BioThrax, and its ties to biowarfare programs. Nass explains that the anthrax vaccine was originally developed for Fort Detrick workers, never underwent full safety and efficacy testing, and was later mandated for US servicemen, with the Defense Department directing a broad vaccination push in 1997 amid an unsettled FDA licensing status. The program, Nass notes, relied on an interim rule rather than a final FDA license, and Gulf War veterans reported Gulf War syndrome alongside fears about vaccine safety. She describes the Lansing vaccine plant purchase by Fouad El-Hibri and Admiral Crow, the immunized army agreement granting liability immunity to the company, and FDA inspections in 1997 that found mold, outdated stock, and unvalidated manufacturing processes. After congressional hearings in 1999-2000 questioning the program’s safety and efficacy, the Pentagon faced pressures as vaccine stocks wore down; by 2001-2002 the plant was rebuilt and reapproved, allowing continued production for the military. Nass also details a revolving door: board members and insiders who testified in favor of BioPort/Emergent later joined its board, and Kadlec and other defense insiders steered substantial BARDA/OSTP funding to Emergent. She links Project Jefferson, Clear Vision, and Project Bacchus to broader US and allied bioweapons research, discussed in Times reporting before 9/11. The Amerithrax investigation, she argues, relied on questionable evidence and omitted other potential sources, such as Battelle. Looking ahead, Nass warns Emergent’s role in manufacturing COVID-19 vaccines (AstraZeneca, Novavax, J&J) reflects a long history of government contracts and controversies, with concerns about conflicts of interest and transparency.

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The Debate Debacle and 2020’s “Darkest Winter”
Guests: Robbie Martin
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Whitney Webb and Robbie Martin emphasize a set of recent events and ongoing narratives they view as underreported but consequential, including a major hospital-network hack across four states that coincided with nine 11 call center outages, and a broader push they describe as setting the stage for a “darkest winter” in the 2020s with claims that post–COVID-19 crisis bioterror could follow. They flag a convergence of the national security state, Silicon Valley power brokers, and biotech industry as driving these developments. They recap the first US presidential debate as a “total shit show,” a shouted, interruptive exchange with little substantive policy to analyze, remarking on the gap between media judgments about who “won” and the overall impression of both candidates as immature in the exchange. They note the moderator Chris Wallace’s role and the absence of audience feedback, suggesting Trump’s reliance on audience energy was disrupted; they also discuss the prospect of Kamala Harris entering the race and how donor circles and foreign-policy commentary have framed her as a potentially pivotal figure, especially given Silicon Valley support and the broader push for increased surveillance and digital-platform dominance. The conversation then pivots to the broader ecosystem behind these dynamics, highlighting how figures like Peter Thiel and Eric Schmidt dominate a fusion of the national security state and Silicon Valley, with Palantir and Emergent BioSolutions at the center of biosecurity and vaccine development. They discuss Emergent’s involvement in producing COVID-19 vaccine candidates and the company’s safety history, including anthrax vaccine production, and a leadership shift at Emergent’s facility that raises questions about quality control. They connect Kadlik, who chairs BARDA and oversees the strategic stockpile, to broader patterns of public–private collaboration that have intensified since 9/11, including DARPA-linked relationships, funding flows, and the militarization of health security. A prominent thread is the emergence of a bioterror narrative that intertwines domestic extremism with foreign-state actors. They scrutinize a spate of articles and reports—from Politico’s worldwide threat assessments to the Jerusalem Post and other outlets—that describe a supposed alliance between white supremacists and Iran or Al Qaeda, and they insist the framing relies on cherry-picked sources, think-tank pedigrees, and a long lineage of “Dark Winter”-era precursors. They point to Ryson letters, hoax anthrax letters, and a pattern of sensational reports ahead of elections to shape public perception and policy. They argue these narratives are coordinated with warnings of engineered pathogens and heightened surveillance, including calls for travel bans and contact tracing, which they see as tools to expand state power over civil liberties. They close by underscoring the intersection of Microsoft, DHS, and the national-security apparatus, arguing that the ongoing push toward surveillance-driven governance—through artificial intelligence, predictive health, and militarized vaccine deployment—signals a trend toward a domestic security state that could outpace public accountability. They warn that the climate of fear makes it easier to sell expansive control measures, and stress the importance of remaining vigilant about how these forces shape policy regardless of who wins elections.
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