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As a journalist for 25 years, the speaker admits to being educated to lie and manipulate the public. They express their concern about the German and American media's efforts to provoke war with Russia. The speaker reveals that journalists are bribed to betray the people and push for war. They discuss their experiences documenting the use of German poison gas in Iraq and how it was not widely reported. The speaker admits to being a non-official cover for intelligence agencies and feeling ashamed for working for a newspaper that was bribed by billionaires and the CIA. They discuss the influence of transatlantic organizations in shaping journalists' pro-American views. The speaker believes that Germany is still a colony of the United States and that journalists from various countries are manipulated by intelligence agencies. They share an example of being asked to write an article by the German foreign intelligence agency without having any secret information. The speaker emphasizes the importance of journalism being independent and not controlled by intelligence agencies. They mention facing house searches and legal accusations but are determined to reveal the truth.

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The CIA had plans to kidnap and assassinate me inside the Ecuadorian embassy in London. They authorized targeting my European colleagues, subjecting us to theft, hacking, and misinformation. My wife and infant son were also targeted, with a CIA asset assigned to track my wife and instructions to obtain my son's DNA. I was convicted by a foreign power for requesting, receiving, and publishing truthful information while in Europe. Criminalizing news gathering threatens investigative journalism. Journalists shouldn't be prosecuted for doing their jobs; journalism is not a crime but a pillar of a free society.

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Guy Mettin argues that Russophobia is rooted in religious and historical narratives that long predate modern geopolitics. He traces the irrational hostility toward Russia to deep-seated religious split dynamics, notably the Schism between Western Catholics and Eastern Orthodox in the eleventh century, and the way Catholic propaganda cast Byzantium’s Orthodox as schismatic, barbarian, and despotic. After Byzantium fell, Russia claimed the Orthodox heritage, which then fed a narrative of confrontation with Western Europe. In the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, Western powers weaponized this narrative to justify anti-Russian sentiment as Russia rose as a European power after Peter the Great and Catherine II. A key example is the forged “testament of Peter the Great,” which France’s Louis XV, Napoleon, Britain after Vienna 1815, and later U.S. circles used to cast Russia as aiming to conquer the West, justifying preemptive actions and fear-driven policy. He notes the testament’s repeated misuse by Napoleon, the British, and even post-Vienna propaganda that shaped decades of Russophobia, including cartoons and cultural depictions like Bram Stoker’s Dracula as a symbol of Russian aristocracy. He emphasizes that this phobia has two functions: the belief that Western security depends on opposing Russia, and the idea that failure to act against Russia invites invasion. This dual function persists in contemporary discourse, where European calls for more weapons to deter Russia echo the old premise that what happens on Russia’s borders determines Europe’s fate. He asserts that Russia has not historically aggressed against Western Europe in the way Western narratives claim; rather, invasions often originated from the West (Teutonic knights, Mongols, Poland, Sweden, Napoleonic France, Germany, Britain). Russia’s own incursions into Europe have been responses to aggression by others, such as Napoleon’s invasion or Hitler’s World War II actions. The discussion turns to how the West constructs an ethical framework in which liberal democracy and human rights are presented as universal ideals, and any actions by Russia are interpreted through that lens. This leads to a paradox: when European powers sanction Russian academics or journalists in the name of defending freedom of expression, it appears inconsistent with the First Amendment protections observed in the United States, while Europe pursues sanctions that curb scholarly debate. He cites specific cases: sanctions against Swiss journalist Xavier Meurice and Jacques Bou, and mentions the sanctioning of other researchers; he also highlights Thierry Breton’s sanctioning by the United States as an example of perceived contradictions in Western policy. He contrasts the greater freedom of opinion in the U.S. with growing European censorship and the suppression of discourse on topics such as NATO expansion and U.S. involvement in Ukraine. Mettin discusses how Western journalists and NGOs may be influenced or embedded within foreign policy aims. He recalls Udo Ulfkotte’s critique of the “corrupted journalist” ecosystem—NATO/N Atlantis-linked influence, seminars, and conferences designed to mold media narratives. He recounts personal experiences in Sarajevo during the 1990s, where journalists were invited by NATO and the UN and later found the narrative they were fed to be constructed. He argues that funding sources, such as Open Society foundations, can bias investigative journalism, leading to a loss of independence, as observed in his experience with the Consortium of International Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) under Soros-Open Society money. The conversation shifts to the global dimension of Russophobia. He notes a growing anti-Russian sentiment is not shared elsewhere; in parts of Africa, Asia, and Latin America, there are relatively more favorable or nuanced attitudes toward Russia, which gives him optimism that the anti-Russian stance in Europe may eventually wane. He suggests broadening analysis to Ukraine and Eastern Europe—Finland, the Baltic states, Poland, Romania, Moldova—to understand how resentment toward Soviet-era rule persists and morphs into modern attitudes toward Russia, even as the Soviet past fades. Towards the end, he mentions Orban in Hungary as an example of a leader who can separate past anti-Russian sentiment from a rational present-day policy, arguing for a more principled approach. He closes with an endorsement of discussing these issues openly and hopes that the hate of Russia will eventually diminish. He invites listeners to read his book, Russophobia, and thanks the interviewer, Maxime, for the dialogue.

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During my time at the CIA, I was responsible for briefing the press and circulating disinformation. Disinformation is not necessarily a lie, but rather a half truth. We would select influential journalists and provide them with information that we wanted to convey to the American public. We targeted respected journalists like Robert Chaplin, Kais Beach, Bud Merrick, Malcolm Brown, and Maynard Parker. I would cultivate their trust by sharing valid information and then slip in the data we wanted to spread, which may not have been true. We would also create an environment where journalists couldn't fact-check by briefing diplomats who would confirm our false information. Personally, I am opposed to these disinformation activities as they serve no useful purpose for the CIA.

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"One of the hopeful things that I have discovered is that nearly every war that has started in the past fifty years has been a result of media lives." "The media could have stopped it if they had searched deep enough." "If they hadn't reprinted government propaganda they could have stopped it." "Populations don't like wars and populations have to be fooled into wars." "Populations don't willingly and with open eyes go into a war." "But our number one enemy is ignorance and I believe that is the number one enemy that everyone is not understanding what is actually going on in the world." "Now, the question is who is promoting ignorance?" "In this latter category, it is bad media." "The result is we see wars and we see corrupt governance continue."

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I'm here to ask Anderson Cooper about Operation Mockingbird and the CIA's influence on mainstream media. A German reporter claimed the CIA bribed and extorted him to publish stories. Why is there a pro-government slant in Western media, like biased coverage of Putin and Assad compared to Saudi Arabia? Cooper is surrounded by security, preventing conversation on important issues like government manipulation of news. Is he avoiding the question because of his CIA past during college? A prominent German journalist recently revealed that the CIA is still manipulating the media, writing scripts for them. The media is just another branch of the government, a mouthpiece for propaganda, unable to face real questions. Cooper is hiding behind his security.

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I briefed the press as an analyst and interrogator for the CIA, circulating disinformation to influence public opinion. I targeted influential journalists like Robert Chaplin and Kais Beach, planting false information to support US interests in Vietnam. I would also mislead reporters by briefing diplomats to provide false confirmation. Despite my involvement, I now oppose these propaganda tactics, believing they serve no purpose for the CIA.

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The CIA's main function is gathering intelligence, but it also engages in covert actions and propaganda. We disseminate propaganda to influence public opinion, sometimes working with journalists. This involves planting false stories, sometimes by using compromised journalists or even creating false narratives with fabricated evidence. This practice isn't limited to foreign countries; we've also planted false stories in the US press. For example, during the Angolan war, we used false stories about Cuban atrocities, including fake photos, which were then spread internationally. We've also sponsored the publication of numerous propaganda books in English, influencing public opinion about Vietnam. While the CIA admits to some propaganda efforts abroad, they deny similar activities within the United States. However, this is untrue, as we planted false stories in the Washington Post.

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In September, headlines falsely labeled me a sex criminal. This wasn't isolated; it was the culmination of a multi-year campaign to silence my dissenting views on geopolitical issues like the war in Ukraine. Governments and intelligence agencies, including those of the US and UK, were involved. My critiques, though not pro-Russia, challenged Western narratives and my ability to persuade a broad audience was perceived as a threat. Organizations like Coda Story, linked to the UK government and CIA, and others funded by Moderna, tracked and suppressed my content. This censorship extended to social media, orchestrated by my own government, without trial or named accusers. The attempt to discredit independent media is a broader effort to control information and suppress dissent, effectively creating a one-party system. This experience, though personally painful, especially during my son's heart surgery, has only solidified my commitment to truth-telling and challenging authoritarianism. The fight for free speech is ongoing and I believe a global awakening is on the horizon.

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There are functions of the CIA that include running secret wars and disseminating propaganda to influence people's minds, a major function that overlaps with information gathering. You have contact with a journalist; you will give him true stories and you’ll get information from him, and you will also give him false stories. You also work on human vulnerabilities to recruit journalists as agents to control what they do, so you don’t have to set them up by deception. You can tell them to plant stories on a schedule. Concrete evidence of using the press this way was highlighted by the church committee in 1975, and later by Woodward and Bernstein in Rolling Stone, noting that about 400 journalists cooperated with the CIA to consciously introduce stories in the press. A concrete example from Angola: one third of the staff was propaganda. There were propagandists around the world, principally in London, Kinshasa, and Zambia. They would take stories they wrote and put them in the Zambia Times, then pull them out and send them to a journalist on payroll in Europe. But the cover story was that the journalist had gotten them from his stringer in Lusaka who had gotten them from the Zambia Times, and after that point, the journalists, Reuters, and AFP, the management was not witting of it. The contact man in Europe was used to pump dozens of stories about Cuban atrocities, Cuban rapists, but there was not a single atrocity committed by the Cubans. It was pure, raw false propaganda to create an illusion of communists, you know, eating babies for breakfast.

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The speaker, a journalist of 25 years, admits to being educated to lie and manipulate the public. They express their concern about the German and American media pushing for war with Russia and betraying the people. The speaker reveals being bribed by the CIA to write pro-American articles and being a nonofficial cover for intelligence agencies. They discuss how journalists are approached and corrupted through transatlantic organizations. The speaker shares an example of being asked to write an article by the German foreign intelligence agency. They emphasize that this is not how journalism should work and mention the consequences of refusing to cooperate with intelligence services. Despite facing house searches and health issues, the speaker is determined to reveal the truth.

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I've spent my whole life in the media, but now I realize that the media is part of the control apparatus. I regret defending the Iraq war and not being more skeptical. When someone makes a claim, the important question is whether it's true or not. I participated in a culture that dismissed anyone who thought outside the prescribed lanes as crazy or a conspiracy theorist, and I'm ashamed of that. The media's purpose is not to inform, but to serve the small group of people who run the world. We should treat them with contempt because they have earned it.

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Neymar: Yeah. Fortunately, it was very much because of Elon’s response to what was going on in Europe too that I realized that it was extremely dangerous when I did announce it to him before I even applied, just to see his reaction, whether he would agree, because sometimes I like to gas up myself and think, maybe it’s not that crazy. And he, yeah, basically gave me his approval instantly, thinking that it’s a good idea. I’m very, very grateful, not only for the exposure that he has given me and the AFD and my country as a whole, Patriots in my country, but also just for the yeah. Kind of, like, the encouragement to fight because that’s what he does. No matter what, like, he he gets so many death threats. He gets so many threats from all sides, but he still continues, and that has inspired me a lot. And then it was only after my application that Ana Polina Luna reached out to me. So, like I said, I didn’t ask anyone for a favor. I want to do this the legitimate way, and now exciting things are coming for sure. I I definitely want to take this further. This is only step one because I’m applying for asylum, not because I want to be in The United States so desperately. I mean, I love The United States. So, yeah, don’t get me wrong. 100%. But I could just apply for, I don’t know, journalism visa, for example, and I could stay here that way. I’m doing this to seek protection from the US government because I genuinely fear for my life over there in Germany. I fear that if I come back, I will be arrested. Fun fact, I just actually saw my sister sent me a letter that I got from the police that I’m now officially being charged with a hate crime, is it it’s what it’s called, for one of my tweets. I don’t know which one are currently requesting that from the police, so, yeah, we’ll see. Speaker 0: Funny funny thing you’re over. Anyone that’s saying that you’re maybe overreacting by doing all this, you’ve just received a letter from the police charging you with hate crime. Speaker 1: Yeah. That’s just a small detail of my entire history. I have the evidence from the German intelligence community. It was also funny. I was interviewed by The Telegraph, and they apparently reached out to German intelligence to get a comment, and they refused to comment.

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The CIA has various functions, some more legitimate than others. One function is to run secret wars, while another is to disseminate propaganda to influence people's minds. They use journalists to spread both true and false stories, exploiting their vulnerabilities to control them. In the past, the CIA had around 400 journalists cooperating with them, including well-known names. An example of their manipulation is seen in the Angola war, where they planted false stories about Cuban atrocities to create an illusion of communist brutality. This shows how the CIA uses the press to further their agenda.

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I have worked in high-profile media roles, faced danger, and been falsely accused. The media faces challenges in the age of information warfare, with censorship and propaganda threatening freedom of speech. Nonprofit organizations act as political propagandists, stifling free thought. Big tech companies wield immense power over what we see and hear. The importance of freedom of speech, especially in the United States, cannot be overstated. The fight for truth and freedom is crucial in the current media landscape.

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The CIA developed plans to kidnap and assassinate me inside the Ecuadorian embassy in London. They authorized targeting my European colleagues with theft, hacking, and disinformation. My wife and infant son were also targeted, with a CIA asset assigned to track my wife and instructions to obtain DNA from my six-month-old son's nappy. I was convicted by a foreign power for requesting, receiving, and publishing truthful information about that power while in Europe. The criminalization of news gathering threatens investigative journalism everywhere. Journalists shouldn't be prosecuted for doing their jobs because journalism is not a crime; it's essential for a free and informed society.

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The speaker states their intervention was delayed significantly. When the interview eventually occurred, Piers Morgan allegedly carried out a smear job. The speaker claims that "right now, they're bombing Tehran." The speaker stayed in a dangerous place for Morgan's program, but Morgan allegedly smeared, lied about, and demonized Iran to justify death, destruction, and aggression. The speaker found Piers Morgan's behavior disturbing, but claims he is not unique. According to the speaker, mainstream Western media is full of people who are tools of power and will do whatever powerful decision-makers instruct them to do.

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Speaker 0: I began my journey into chronicling the censorship industrial complex. Speaker 1: Some of the most terrifying conversations I've had with some of my dear friends who work inside CIA, and their jobs is to go to other countries, get involved in elections, protests that will help overthrow a regime. It's no secret at this point. The CIA has been doing that for years, for decades. But the most terrifying conversations I've had are the ones where they would look to me and say, my god. Like, the twenty twenty election? We're doing to our people what we do to others. Speaker 2: CIA, the other intelligence agencies were exposed with projects like Operation Mockingbird. Speaker 0: The State Department, USAID, the Central Intelligence Agency went from free speech diplomacy to promoting censorship. Speaker 2: They created, purchased, controlled assets at the New York Times, the Washington Post, all of these top down media structures that used to control the information that Americans got. Speaker 3: I pulled into the driveway, opened up my garage door, these two gentlemen come out of a blue sedan with government license plates. And they came up to me and said, you're mister Solomon? And I said, yes. And they said, you're at the tip of a very large and dangerous iceberg. Speaker 4: Oh, yeah. The the FBI sent agents over to my home to serve a subpoena. They're questioning me about my tweets. How is that not chilling? Speaker 2: Our whole page on Facebook for the world Seventh day Adventist World Church was removed. Speaker 5: The level of censorship that we experienced from publishing this documentary was beyond anything I could have imagined, and we really didn't even understand why. Speaker 3: We are going to win back the White House. The Russian collusion started broken '16. That's where the big lie first erupted. Speaker 6: Russian operatives used social media to rile up the American electorate and boost the candidacy of Donald Trump. Speaker 0: That's why they went after Trump with the Russia gate and with the FBI probes and with the CIA impeachments and things like that. Speaker 3: My FBI sources told me there's nothing there. And I kept wondering to myself, how could it be that something that's not true be taken so seriously and be portrayed as true? Speaker 7: How do you expand sort of top down control in this society? How do we flip? How do we invert America? Speaker 6: The evidence that the Supreme Court recounts is bone chilling. The federal government would call a private media company and say, cancel this speaker or take down this post. Speaker 3: I mean, just think about this. A sitting president of The United States had his Twitter and Facebook accounts frozen. Our founding fathers could not possibly have imagined that. Is there a chance that this documentary will be censored? Speaker 1: I think there's a huge chance this documentary gets censored. Speaker 2: Yeah. So it's interesting when you look at so many of the big censorship cases in The United States involving COVID, Hunter Biden's laptop. They all go back to a common thread. What is that thread? National security. Speaker 0: Google Jigsaw produced world's first AI censorship product. Things the model were trained on, support for Donald Trump, Brexit referendum that the State Department tried very desperately to stop. These are all these sort Speaker 5: of component pieces of what you called the censorship industrial complex. Speaker 3: Censorship Industrial Complex. Censorship Speaker 2: Industrial Complex. Speaker 7: Censorship Industrial Complex. Censorship Industrial Complex. Speaker 1: I've long felt that it was a bubbling god complex.

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Julian Assange has spent 5 years in a high-security prison in London for exposing US and NATO war crimes. Unfortunately, our mainstream media in Europe has been largely influenced by the US Empire, resulting in journalists being paid to hide the truth. This has led to a serious crisis in European media, with independent outlets almost non-existent.

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The CIA developed plans to kidnap and assassinate me inside the Ecuadorian embassy in London. They authorized attacks on my European colleagues, including theft, hacking, and disinformation. My wife and infant son were also targeted. A CIA asset was assigned to track my wife, and there were instructions to get DNA from my six-month-old son's nappy. I was convicted by a foreign power for requesting, receiving, and publishing truthful information about that power while in Europe. Criminalizing news gathering threatens investigative journalism everywhere. Journalists shouldn't be prosecuted for doing their jobs. Journalism is not a crime; it's essential for a free and informed society.

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Speaker 0 asks how to weed out Muslims in a country that despises you and means you harm without vilifying or persecuting those who are fine and part of the social fabric. Speaker 1 responds by highlighting that Arab states have taken a strong stance against the Muslim Brotherhood and asks why the West hasn’t. The Muslim Brotherhood has been banned in Egypt and in many Gulf states (not Qatar), and there is a reason: they know how dangerous this organization is, that it doesn’t represent peace-loving Muslims who simply want to practice their religion and not impose a perverted version of jihad. Speaker 1 asserts that the Muslim Brotherhood is not pro-Muslim; it is an organization providing cover for terrorism that disproportionately impacts Muslims, especially in the Arab world. He emphasizes that the biggest victims of terrorism are the people of the Middle East, the majority of whom are Muslims, and urges people to educate themselves about what’s really happening on this front before it’s too late. Speaker 0 then asks why Europe is failing and has massively open borders, taking people from regimes where terrorism is life-threatening. Speaker 1 answers with a single word: subversion. He claims this is most evident in the Israel-Palestinian conflict, stating that the way the war and the conflict are presented in international media is not an accurate reflection of what’s happening on the ground. He believes many Palestinians would share that sentiment. He contends that what’s happening in Gaza is not how it’s reported, because narratives are shaped to present a certain story, a process he attributes to Al Jazeera. He questions who runs Al Jazeera and asserts it is state-run by Qatar, and says they have been a chief sponsor of a “laundered ideology” presenting Palestinian victimhood even if some stories are fabricated. He claims Al Jazeera has falsified stories during the Gaza war. Speaker 1 concludes that when people push back against Islamism, they’re accused of conspiracy or exaggeration, but the speaker argues that there is a conspiracy to undermine the West. He acknowledges that it may seem crazy to say so, but asserts that such a conspiracy is exactly what is happening. He identifies this as the fundamental ideology of Qatar, the Muslim Brotherhood, and the Islamic Republic of Iran on the Shia side, and says this is something that must be spoken out against to educate the general public.

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In September, media outlets globally labeled me a sex criminal, omitting accusers' names. This was the culmination of a years-long campaign to silence my dissenting views on geopolitical issues, particularly regarding the war in Ukraine. My critiques, initially dismissed as Chinese propaganda, were the target of governments and intelligence agencies. Coda Story, linked to the UK government and CIA, played a key role. My reporting, which included concerns about Moderna's profits and the handling of the pandemic, led to de-platforming and demonetization. This censorship, orchestrated by my own government, revealed the sham of open discourse in the West. The attack on me demonstrates the vulnerability of even high-profile individuals to these powerful forces. The response confirms the threat I pose, a threat to those in power. The battle continues, and I choose to remain steadfast.

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Intel agencies have a significant influence on television broadcasts, Facebook, and Google. Many anchors, including a national security reporter, act as mouthpieces for the Pentagon and the CIA, knowingly spreading lies. This is a common practice, even at CNN. These reporters read government propaganda from intel agencies, and it's frustrating and offensive, regardless of whether one agrees with the lies or not. For instance, when the CIA and Pentagon claimed that Bashar al Assad used poison gas, there was no evidence to support it. Despite this, many people were killed in response.

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The speaker explains that they were determined to do the interview with Vladimir Putin because they were prevented from doing so by their own government. They express shock and anger at the US government's spying and interference. The speaker clarifies that their views are constantly evolving based on evidence and that their main view is to tell the truth. They deny being pro-Trump or anti-Biden and state that their goal was to gather information about Putin and the current state of affairs. They also discuss the state of media bias and the importance of free speech.

PBD Podcast

Epstein Cover-Up, Ghislaine Maxwell & Israel's Role w/ CIA Whistleblower John Kiriakou | PBD Podcast
Guests: John Kiriakou
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Patrick Bet-David interviews John Kiriakou, a former CIA officer known for being the first to publicly expose the CIA's waterboarding practices. Kiriakou shares his extensive background in the CIA, where he served for 15 years, traveled to 72 countries, and felt he was serving the American people. He recounts a memorable experience of being in the Oval Office during a crisis meeting shortly after Iraq invaded Kuwait, highlighting the unpredictable nature of his job. Kiriakou discusses the controversial torture program initiated after 9/11, revealing that only 16 people initially knew about the CIA's waterboarding plans. He explains that the idea for waterboarding came from two psychologists who reverse-engineered survival training techniques. Kiriakou was approached to participate in the program but refused, citing its illegality and moral implications. He was the only one out of 14 colleagues to decline involvement, leading to his eventual arrest and imprisonment for whistleblowing. The conversation shifts to the dynamics within the CIA and the relationships between various administrations. Kiriakou notes that Bill Clinton had little interaction with CIA Director James Woolsey, while Vice President Al Gore was more engaged with intelligence matters. He contrasts this with George W. Bush's administration, where Dick Cheney was perceived to have more control over foreign policy than Bush himself. Kiriakou also discusses the CIA's interrogation techniques, criticizing the agency's approach compared to the FBI's more effective and humane methods. He emphasizes that the CIA's tactics were driven by a desire for revenge after 9/11, which ultimately proved ineffective. He describes the extreme measures taken, such as sleep deprivation and the "cold cell" technique, which resulted in prisoner deaths. The discussion touches on the political implications of the torture program, with Kiriakou asserting that the CIA operated outside legal boundaries. He reflects on the consequences of his whistleblowing, including his imprisonment and the loss of his pension. Kiriakou expresses frustration over the lack of accountability for those involved in the torture program, particularly John Brennan, who he believes has evaded scrutiny for his role in the CIA's actions. As the conversation progresses, Kiriakou shares insights into the relationships between intelligence agencies, noting a lack of trust in the Israeli Mossad while expressing admiration for British intelligence. He recounts experiences of intimidation from Israeli operatives and the challenges of working with foreign intelligence services. The interview concludes with Kiriakou discussing the broader implications of intelligence operations, including the potential for corruption and the manipulation of political narratives. He reflects on the current state of American politics, particularly regarding the investigations into figures like Brennan and Comey, and the ongoing influence of intelligence agencies in shaping policy and public perception.
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