TruthArchive.ai - Related Video Feed

The official 9/11 story involves 19 hijackers, led by Mohammed Atta, outwitting America's defense systems despite the US military defense drill code named Vigilant Guardian that simulated the exact events of nine eleven.. Three buildings fell in New York, including the Twin Towers and Building 7, with the latter collapsing in a manner resembling controlled demolition. The investigation was underfunded, and the official story is riddled with inconsistencies, including recovered hijacker passports and the failure to identify plane wreckage. Osama bin Laden denied involvement, and the Taliban offered extradition under due process. Evidence suggests a conspiracy beyond the official narrative, involving traitors within the US government, dual nationals, and Jewish Israelis motivated by a "new Pearl Harbor" event to justify perpetual war.

The attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon have led to the identification of hijackers linked to Osama bin Laden. Investigators have detailed information on the terrorists, including their pilot training in Florida. 18 hijackers and numerous associates are being pursued globally. President Bush vows to hold those responsible accountable.

In September 1991, shortly after the end of the Cold War, a cabal of elite bankers and intelligence operatives led by George H. W. Bush allegedly financed a $240,000,000,000 covert operations war chest through the purchase of ten-year securities due on 09/12/2001. Project HAMR is described as being used to finance a covert economic operation against the collapsing Soviet Union, whereby unknown Western investors bought up much of the Soviet industry with a focus on oil and gas, crashing the Russian economy, looting its central bank, and orchestrating what is called the great ruble scam, along with other clandestine state-supported operations intended to prevent Russia from contesting the US as a world superpower, while enriching the economic hitmen who supposedly devoured the collapsing Russian economy after the Soviet Union’s fall. Evidence is said to show that several federal and private investigations had already begun uncovering the HAMR fund before the nine-eleven attacks, including the Office of Naval Intelligence (ONI), which reportedly had been investigating crimes connected with the plundering of Russia. It is claimed that 39 of 40 ONI office personnel were killed on nine-eleven, including the entire chain of command. The Pentagon’s financial accounting offices in the wing targeted were also an obvious target, as were passengers on Flight 77 who allegedly held top secret clearances and were connected with Pentagon Black operations. Agents of the ONI were said to have been investigating financial transactions linked to securities managed by those securities dealers in the World Trade Center, which were also targeted. It is claimed that 31 percent of the fatalities in the Pentagon were from the Naval Command Center housing the ONI, and 41 percent of fatalities in the Twin Towers came from Cantor Fitzgerald and Eurobrokers, two major security brokers in the World Trade Center. Cantor Fitzgerald was the largest US security dealer; Flight 11 struck Martian McLennan’s secure computer room in the North Tower, just below Cantor Fitzgerald’s location. A massive explosion reportedly occurred just under the FBI offices in the North Tower on the 23rd Floor, with fires on the 22nd Floor and explosions at Garbin Inter Capital on the 25th Floor and in the basement of Tower 1. Flight 175 hit the South Tower at 09:03, directly below Eurobrokers’ floors. Building 6 was destroyed by an explosion before either tower fell, and this building housed the Eldorado Task Force, an interagency money laundering watchdog group. The narrative argues that a national emergency by the Federal Reserve and the SEC’s declaration of a national emergency on September 14 eased regulatory restrictions for clearing and settling security trades for fifteen days, enabling the $240,000,000,000 in covert government securities to be cleared upon maturity without standard ownership identification. The destruction of the towers and Building 6 is said to have created confusion to conceal illicit activities that morning. Richard Andrew Grove, a nine-eleven whistleblower, is described as a software salesman for Silverstream, which provided connectivity for Marsh and AIG, linking them through specialized accounting software. Grove allegedly found overbilling of Marsh by Silverstream by $7,000,000 for fictitious hardware and an exploitable flaw in the software. Grove’s testimony and recovered hard drives indicated suspicious money transfers during the attacks, allegedly performed electronically via Silverstream software, with hush money payments related to the Marsh overbilling to facilitate clearing the HAMR securities. Marsh’s CEO at the time was Jeffrey Greenberg, son of Maurice Greenberg of AIG. Greenberg had risen to CEO of Marsh after moving from AIG in 1995 and resigned after financial crimes accusations; Marsh was located directly adjacent to Cantor Fitzgerald in the North Tower, with Marsh’s executives and whistleblowers including Gary Lasco, Kathryn Lee, Ken Rice, Richard Brewhart, and John Oltzhoffer among those who died on 9/11 in the meeting room where evidence would have been presented. AIG is portrayed as more than an insurance company, with long ties to intelligence communities. AIG ran Kroll Associates, the World Trade Center’s security contractor, and Morris Greenberg (Maurice Greenberg’s son) is described as connected to intelligence circles, having been nominated for Director of Central Intelligence after authoring a CFR report advocating that FBI and DEA agents abroad should not act independently of ambassadors or the CIA. The narrative links this to continued covert activities, including drug money laundering, and mentions connections to Iran-Contra and narco-trafficking, asserting a motive for Afghanistan’s invasion due to drug profits. Dine Corp and Stewart Air Force Base are cited in relation to the 9/11 events, with claims about the aviation routes and hidden agendas. The discussion covers several figures and institutions: Richard Armitage as deputy secretary of state who allegedly granted visas to 15 of the 19 hijackers; Frank Carlucci as Carlyle Group chairman and DC on 9/11; the association of Stratosec with Bush relatives; Kroll Associates and John O’Neill’s role as head of World Trade Center security; and the assertion that Able Danger whistleblower Anthony Shaefe claims the government destroyed data identifying ringleaders Mohammed Atta as early as February 2000. It is argued that the White House’s handling of warnings, the 9/11 Commission’s composition and conclusions, and media control by a small number of corporations contributed to suppressing the perceived truth. Further, the text notes the involvement of Paul Bremer, l Paul Bremer, and connections to Marsh, AIG, and other elites, and it discusses the Pentagon’s missing funds, Dov Zakheim’s roles in defense contracting, and the presence of nanothermite residues as part of the World Trade Center demolition discussion. The narrative closes with a claim that the individuals and organizations cited are as suspicious as the hijackers, challenging mainstream accounts and suggesting that the evidence of a broader conspiracy has been suppressed.

A newly unsealed video from 1999 shows Omar al Bayoumi, linked to Saudi intelligence, surveilling the U.S. Capitol. Victims' families are suing Saudi Arabia, claiming the government aided the 9/11 hijackers. The video, filmed over several days, captures security posts and landmarks, suggesting pre-operational surveillance for the attacks. Former FBI agents believe it indicates Bayoumi was working with Al Qaeda planners. The timing of the video aligns with Al Qaeda's decision to target the Capitol. Despite Saudi Arabia's dismissal of the video as a tourist recording, experts argue it is significant evidence of potential complicity. The FBI received the video after 9/11, raising questions about its delayed release. Both the Saudi government and Bayoumi deny involvement, while legal proceedings continue. More coverage will follow in the fall.

According to a court filing, at least two 9/11 hijackers were recruited by the CIA and Saudi intelligence in a joint operation. The lead investigator of the Office of Military Commissions, Don Conestraro, revealed this information in a 21-page declaration. The hijackers, Khalid Al Midhar and Nawaf Al Hazmi, attended an Al Qaeda summit in Malaysia in 2000, where the CIA photographed their passports. They were then able to board a flight to LA without screening and were met by a Saudi intelligence officer who provided them with an apartment and arranged for flight lessons. The CIA refused to inform the FBI about these individuals, raising questions about their involvement in the attacks.

On 9/11/2001, 19 men directed by someone on dialysis used box cutters to penetrate US airspace. They commandeered four planes, flying them off course for over an hour. Hijackers, who liked alcohol and strippers, downed three buildings in New York. In Washington, a pilot flew a 757 into the Pentagon's budget analyst office, where staff were working on the missing $2.3 trillion announced by Rumsfeld the day before. The news quickly blamed Osama bin Laden, and evidence, like a hijacker's passport, was conveniently found. A delayed, underfunded investigation, based on torture and destroyed records, failed to mention key details and was allegedly lied to by the Pentagon, CIA, and Bush administration. Bush and Cheney testified in secret. The 9/11 Commission blamed a "failure of imagination," despite prior simulations of hijacked planes hitting buildings. Data was destroyed by the DIA and SEC, and NIST classified its WTC-7 model data. The FBI wants to keep its 9/11 investigation secret. Bin Laden evaded capture for years, releasing videos, before being killed in a raid, his body dumped at sea, and team members dying in a helicopter crash. Questioning this story makes you a "paranoid conspiracy theorist."

John Brennan, as CIA station chief in Saudi Arabia, along with the US consulate, issued visas to 15 of the 19 hijackers involved in 9/11. While only 11 of the 19 hijackers were Saudi, visas were given to non-Saudis. J. Michael Springman, who ran the visa desk for that US consulate, wrote a book called "Visas for Terrorists." The book details how the visa process was handled.

Joe Biden had meetings with people who supported the 9/11 hijackers, including Saudi Arabia, Israel, and the Pakistani ISI. The president's actions play a role in these events. After 9/11, Biden met with General Mohammed Ahmed of Pakistani ISI, who ordered a $100,000 wire transfer. Biden claims he met with him to deliver a warning about supporting the Taliban. However, Ahmed was allowed to go back to Pakistan without being questioned or investigated. This raises questions about why he was let go and why there was no investigation.

On September 11, 2001, 19 hijackers armed with box cutters carried out coordinated attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. These hijackers, led by Osama bin Laden, managed to overpower passengers and fly planes off course without interception. The subsequent investigation into the attacks was criticized for being delayed, underfunded, and a cover-up. It failed to mention important details and was based on testimony obtained through torture. The government agencies involved, including the Pentagon and CIA, were accused of lying. Despite the 9/11 Commission's efforts, many questions remained unanswered, and no one was held accountable. The attacks were deemed a failure of imagination, although some government agencies had anticipated such scenarios. Certain records and data were destroyed or classified, raising further concerns.

A video filmed outside the US Capitol in 1999, recently unsealed, shows Omar al Bayoumi, linked to 9/11 hijackers, surveilling the area. Experts believe it was part of a plan to target the Capitol. The video, found in Bayoumi's UK apartment after 9/11, includes phone numbers of Saudi officials. The Saudi government denies involvement. The FBI received the video post-9/11. The video's surfacing now raises questions about why it took so long. The case is ongoing, with oral arguments scheduled for later this summer. Saudi Arabia and Bayoumi deny any connection to 9/11.

Declassified records and videos point to Saudi government employees Sadan and Sudhiri as an 'advanced team' for the 9/11 hijackers, with evidence they were here to support hijackers that 'set up shop' and provided 'care and feeding and housing.' 'The FBI says they may have served as an advanced team for the nineeleven hijackers.' Investigators say this work 'moved the timeline back two to three years' to when 'the support network actually got on the ground here in The United States.' The material notes Sadan and Sudhiri arrived in Southern California in December 1998, 'thirteen months before the first two hijackers,' with living quarters, flight schools, and spiritual guidance. The recordings include a 'welcome party for two hijackers in San Diego' featuring 'Mohammad Al Qatani,' identified as a 'Saudi government religious official.' Additional footage shows Saudis 'filmed Washington DC landmarks in 1999.'

On the morning of September 11, 2001, nineteen armed men hijacked four commercial flights and carried out coordinated attacks in New York and Washington. They were able to penetrate the highly secure airspace without interception. The hijackers, who were religious fundamentalists, managed to crash two planes into buildings in New York and another into the Pentagon. The investigation into the attacks was delayed, underfunded, and hindered by conflicts of interest. It relied on testimonies obtained through torture and destroyed recordings. The investigation did not mention the existence of Building 7 or the military maneuvers of the hijacked planes. The funding behind the attacks was not a priority in the investigation.

Exclusive reporting and declassified intelligence and law enforcement records reveal the Saudi government employees, Sadan and Suderi, may have served as an advanced team to vent those who would later assist hijackers in Southern California. The FBI says they may have served as an advanced team for the nineeleven hijackers. Based upon these documents and the videos, it's pretty clear that they were here for that particular reason. The advanced team coming here in The United States, but setting up shop, facilitating the care and feeding and housing of the hijackers. There are two hijackers appear in this video. It's clear that we now have individuals who came here prior to nineeleven who were official Saudi employees. They arrived in Southern California in December 1998, thirteen months before the first two hijackers also landed in Los Angeles, later receiving financial assistance, obtaining driver's licenses, living quarters, spiritual guidance, and locating flight schools. Bayoumi was arrested about ten days after nineeleven in Birmingham, England.

Israelis were suspected of spying on the US before 9/11, with over 60 arrests post-attack. Investigators believe Israelis may have known about the attacks beforehand but didn't share information. Some were detained for surveillance activities. Classified evidence suggests ties to 9/11. Israelis posed as art students to access military bases and government facilities. The investigation spans the mid-90s to uncover organized intelligence gathering. Israeli military personnel were among those detained. Fox News obtained classified documents detailing espionage suspicions by Israelis in the US. The investigation continues.

Exclusive reporting and declassified records reveal Saudi government employees Sadan and Suderi may have served as an advanced team to vent those who would later assist hijackers in Southern California. That really moves the timeline back significantly two to three years to when the support network actually got on the ground here in The United States. The FBI says they may have served as an advanced team for the nineeleven hijackers. Bayoumi was arrested about ten days after nineeleven in Birmingham, England; he said there is complete cooperation and advanced coordination. Mohammad Al Qatani appears in the video. Washington, DC landmarks filmed in 1999 align with bin Laden's initial target list. There is a fiftyfifty chance he had advanced knowledge of nineeleven. Investigators view these records as pre-dating known domestic networks and offering new leads for the FBI and intelligence services, including engagement with the Saudi government.

A video filmed outside the US Capitol 2 years before 9/11 attacks has surfaced, showing Omar al Bayoumi surveilling the area. The video, recorded in 1999, includes footage of the Washington Monument and nearby landmarks. Bayoumi, tied to 2 hijackers, is believed to have been conducting preoperational surveillance for Al Qaeda. The video was discovered post-9/11 in the UK. The FBI and 9/11 families suspect Saudi government involvement. The Saudi government denies any connection. The video raises questions about why it took over 20 years to surface. The case is ongoing, with oral arguments scheduled for later this summer.

Two hijackers appear in this video. One hijacker can be seen in the kitchen. Bayoumi instructs the videographer not to film one side of the room. This caught Evanina's attention. Later, the videographer slips up and captures the other side of the room. So they're having the meal, then the videographer pulls up at one point and gets the other side of the room by accident. This man is identified in court records as a Saudi government religious official, Mohammad Al Qatani. It's direct tie to an actual employee of the Saudi government in the welcoming party for two soon to be hijackers. That's a big deal. These videos were obtained in the 2001. Those videos should have been provided to the nineeleven commission.

Declassified intelligence and law‑enforcement records allege that Saudi government employees Sadan and Sudhiri may have served as an advanced team for hijackers in Southern California. The FBI says they may have served as an advanced team for the nineeleven hijackers. Based on these documents and videos, they were here for that reason, moving the timeline back two to three years to when the support network first arrived in the United States. The two Saudis appeared in video footage; investigators ask whether they were official Saudi employees working on behalf of this plot or serving Al Qaeda. The records depict the advance team setting up shop, coordinating with imams, and facilitating care, housing, and access to flight schools. Omar Al Bayoumi, described as the fixer, sent letters claiming complete cooperation and advanced coordination. A February 2000 San Diego welcome party for two hijackers included Mohammad Al Qatani.

According to a court filing, at least two of the 9/11 hijackers were recruited by a joint CIA-Saudi intelligence operation that was covered up. The lead investigator of the Office of Military Commissions, Don Conestraro, interviewed FBI agents involved in investigating 9/11 and preventing the attack. The hijackers attended an Al Qaeda summit in Malaysia, where the CIA broke into their hotel rooms and photographed their passports. They were then able to board a flight to LA without screening and were met by a Saudi intelligence officer who provided them with an apartment, transportation, and flight lessons. The CIA refused to inform the FBI about the hijackers, indicating they were CIA assets. This raises questions about the CIA's involvement and their failure to prevent the attack.

On September 11, 2001, 19 hijackers armed with box cutters carried out the devastating attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. The hijackers, led by Osama bin Laden, managed to overpower passengers and pilots, causing the planes to crash into their targets. The 9/11 Commission was established to investigate the attacks, but it was criticized for being delayed, underfunded, and a cover-up. The commission failed to address important questions and did not hold anyone accountable. Various government agencies, including the FBI and SEC, destroyed records related to the attacks. Osama bin Laden evaded capture for years before being found and killed by a Navy SEAL team. Doubting the official narrative is discouraged and labeled as conspiracy theories.

Declassified intelligence and law enforcement records indicate Saudi government employees Sadan and Sudhiri may have served as an advanced team for hijackers later tied to 9/11. Video filmed in Washington, DC, two years before the attacks shows Mutaib al Sudhiri and Adal Mohammad al Saddan, who reportedly maintained ties to Al Qaeda and identified potential targets. Investigators say the pair arrived in December 1998 in Southern California, received financial support, housing, and guidance, and coordinated with imams on both coasts to facilitate the hijackers’ stay. Omar Al Bayoumi is described as the fixer and leader of a surveillance cell, who communicated back to Saudi leaders about cooperation. A February 2000 welcome party in San Diego for two hijackers is documented, with Mohammad Al Qatani present. The FBI and others are urged to pursue Saudi cooperation to access these individuals; declassification followed pressure from 9/11 families.

A recently released 2021 court filing reveals that at least two 9/11 hijackers, Al Hazmi and Almidhar, were likely CIA recruits in a joint CIA-Saudi intelligence operation. According to the lead investigator, the CIA monitored the future hijackers at an Al Qaeda summit in Kuala Lumpur, even photographing their passports. Afterward, the pair flew to Los Angeles, where Saudi intelligence officer Omar Albayumi, also a possible CIA asset, assisted them with housing and flight lessons. The CIA, operating through a unit called Alec Station, deliberately withheld information about Al Hazmi and Almidhar from the FBI, going so far as to forbid FBI agents from sharing information. The purpose of Alec Station was to recruit the hijackers via a liaison relationship. This inaction allowed the 9/11 plot to proceed, with the CIA directly responsible for the attacks.

A recent court filing reveals that at least two 9/11 hijackers, Khaled Almidhar and Nawaf Al Hazmi, were part of a CIA-Saudi intelligence operation. The CIA monitored them during a major Al Qaeda summit in Malaysia in January 2000 but failed to inform the FBI of their presence in the U.S. After the summit, they entered the U.S. without screening and were assisted by Omar Albayumi, a Saudi intelligence officer posing as a civil aviation employee. The CIA's Alex Station, which operated outside the FBI's oversight, aimed to recruit these hijackers. This raises serious questions about the CIA's role in the 9/11 attacks, suggesting that they may have knowingly allowed the operation to proceed without intervention.

On September 11, 2001, 19 hijackers carried out the attacks, including the Pentagon and the World Trade Center. The subsequent investigation faced challenges and controversies, with questions about government involvement and cover-ups. Osama bin Laden was eventually located and killed by SEAL Team 6, but his body was disposed of at sea. The official narrative was heavily promoted, and questioning it was discouraged. The CIA director admitted to dishonest practices.

This series argues the official nine eleven story is false. "That's the story. That story is a lie." It claims CIA and FBI failures and that "the CIA was running a false flag operation to recruit the hijackers," with "the remarkable lengths the CIA went to to protect" them. Relying on ALEC Station, the Hadah Home switchboard in Sana'a, Yemen, it shows visas "issued to facilitate an operation run by the Saudis and the CIA spying operation" and Omar Al Bayoumi, "'an array an employee of the Saudi Arabian Embassy in Washington, DC in their consulate in Los Angeles, California,'" who "convinced the hijackers to move to San Diego" and aided their settlement. The CIA allegedly blocked the FBI from being warned, a "zone defense" versus "man to man" approach, and "the 28 pages" were hidden, prompting a call for a new, honest investigation.