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The speaker questions why Kamala Harris hasn't met with him or given interviews, suggesting she's controlled by handlers and an "apparatus" of neocons who are pushing the country toward World War 3 and censoring dissenting voices. He contrasts this with Trump, who readily gives interviews, even to critical reporters. He recalls his uncle Teddy Kennedy, despite ideological differences and personal animosity toward Carter, admired Ronald Reagan's ability to inspire and unite the country with a clear vision. The speaker argues that a key function of a president is to articulate a vision and inspire pride, which is impossible without engaging in interviews. He notes Harris has avoided unscripted interviews, even with friendly news outlets, while he actively seeks them out to promote his vision.

The speaker describes an upcoming interview with President Obama, noting its unique format where questions will come directly from YouTube users on the screen. The speaker believes this may be disorienting but fun, as people will be virtually "beaming into" the White House to ask follow-up questions. After the interview, the speaker says it went exceptionally well. The speaker felt it was really engaging, and that President Obama took the questions thoughtfully and gave substantive answers. The speaker also notes the personal format allows people to hear the unique voice of people.

The interviewer was given 4 questions by the White House to ask the governor. The questions were about accomplishments, progress in the state, election stakes, debate performance, and voter engagement. The governor approved the questions sent by the White House. The interviewer questioned the effectiveness of sending questions in advance to showcase the president's abilities.

The speaker describes interviewing President Obama at the White House, using questions sourced from YouTube users. The format is considered unique and potentially disorienting for the president, but fun and engaging. The interview is described as exceptionally well, with the president giving thoughtful and substantive answers. The personal format allows people to hear the unique voice of people. Google Moderator is credited for the success.

Barack Obama’s rise from little-known state senator to Democratic nominee is framed in the discussion as a culmination of a small group of Chicago donors backing him, funding his campaign, and paving the way for his ascent, with two years in the U.S. Senate spent preparing to run in 2008, culminating in his victory. The interviewer notes that the news media avoided answering basic questions about Obama’s life, beliefs, and origins during the 2008 campaign, instead labeling inquiries as conspiracy theories. Larry Sinclair, who would later claim to have met Obama, appears in the studio. Sinclair recounts meeting Obama in 1999 in Illinois through a limousine driver he hired in Chicago. He explains he was in town for Lee Duke’s Naval Academy graduation and was seeking a party night in Chicago, specifically asking the driver if he knew anyone available. The driver, Jamere Motani of Five Star Limo, allegedly introduced Sinclair to a man whom Motani said was Barack Obama. Sinclair says he had never heard of Obama before and did not know he was a politician at the time; he asserts the driver knew Obama and described him as liking the same kind of partying Sinclair was seeking. Sinclair describes going to a bar in Chicago with Obama, where Sinclair asked for something to wake up and was directed to cocaine. He states Obama said he knew where to get it, and they left to obtain it. He pays $250 for cocaine, and in the limo, Obama allegedly pulled out a pipe and began smoking crack; Sinclair says he then performed oral sex on Obama after initiating a physical advance. Sinclair recounts the driver’s partition being up and that the driver did not object. The night continued with another encounter the next day when Obama supposedly returned to Sinclair’s hotel, the Comfort Inn in Gurnee, Illinois, with more cocaine, and the pair repeated the same program, including another sexual encounter and further cocaine use. Sinclair says he later left and Obama dropped him off at his hotel, but Obama then showed up the next day at Sinclair’s hotel for another encounter. Sinclair emphasizes he did not know Obama’s identity or political status at the time, and only realized who Obama was when he saw him at the Democratic National Convention in Boston in 2004 and again in 2008. He asserts Obama used his real name, Barack, at the time of the encounters. Afterward, Sinclair sought to contact the Obama campaign in late 2007, urging Barack Obama to acknowledge his cocaine use in the past, asking that Obama simply state, “I did coke and I’ve done it as recently as 1999.” He says he contacted David Axelrod’s office in Chicago with three letters but never mentioned the sexual encounter in 2007. He recounts receiving a call from someone he identifies as Donald Young, a gay choir director from Jeremiah Wright’s church, who claimed to be with the Obama campaign and said that the campaign would not acknowledge the sex and drug interaction. Young allegedly told Sinclair that he had known Obama for years and had an intimate relationship with him, and warned him to be careful because the Obama campaign would not acknowledge anything. Sinclair describes Donald Young’s death in Chicago as a key piece of the narrative, stating Young was shot dead in his 2nd-floor apartment, with details that he says were publicly documented, and that Jeremiah Wright announced Young’s death early that morning. Norma Jean Young, Donald Young’s mother, is described as a former Chicago Police Department employee who believed Young’s death was to protect Barack Obama, and Lorraine Young, Donald’s sister, reportedly supported the claim that Young and Obama had been intimately close for years. Sinclair asserts that he disclosed his full story in a YouTube video in January 2008, but that the video was deleted after YouTube gave access to his account to someone else, and his emails and Hotmail were allegedly compromised. He contends that reporters avoided the story due to pressure from Axelrod to destroy him and because outlets did not want to lose access to the Obama campaign. Sinclair claims Greta Van Susteren and Ben Smith covered the story unfavorably; he labels Ben Smith a “grifter” and accuses Politico of misrepresenting his career and status as a fugitive, while insisting he never hid his past. In reflecting on Obama, Sinclair maintains Obama is a “grifter” who is power-hungry and believes Obama has influenced the Biden administration; he argues Obama’s presidency has pushed race relations backward and that Obama’s public persona masks transactional and sexual behaviors. He asserts that he grew up as a gay man in rural South Carolina and believes Obama’s campaign rhetoric contrasted with reality, noting Obama’s comments to supporters about fights and displaying a willingness to use race as a tool. The conversation closes with Sinclair acknowledging the complexity of the situation, reiterating his claim that he had sex with Obama and that Donald Young’s calls and subsequent death are connected to the broader narrative about Obama’s past.

The speaker discusses an interview with Iranian President Masood Pozheshkian, a 70-year-old heart surgeon, conducted after recent conflict with Iran. The interview aims to provide Americans with information to form their own opinions about matters affecting them, including hearing directly from adversaries. The speaker acknowledges potential criticism for interviewing the leader of a country the US was recently at war with, but asserts the American public's right to information, even if the interviewee's statements may not be entirely truthful. An interview request has also been submitted to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The interview, conducted remotely with a translator, avoided questions unlikely to elicit honest answers, such as those about Iran's nuclear program. Instead, it focused on fundamental questions about Iran's goals and intentions regarding war with the US and Israel. The goal is to contribute to the body of knowledge that allows Americans to form their own opinions. The edited interview will be available soon.

Ehud: I don’t disagree with anything you said, and I don’t know who he trusts on these kinds of… Who the president really trusts. McDonough? The young guy. But he doesn’t—there was a Samantha Power—Power. No. The difference between who he trusts and who he likes. Larry Turner? She’s an idiot. I noticed that Obama listens to her. His door telephone is always open for her. He listens to her. He believes her instincts about politics, about who is against him, who is for him, what’s going around, who is hooking what from Chicago to the world. Ehud: But it’s like, do you think Richard Nixon ultimately cared what he listened to, what B. D. Luloso thought? Ehud: Listen to this: B. B. Robozo—Robozo was some kind of business, semi-corrupt business guy who was Richard Nixon’s best friend. And whenever Nixon went to Key Biscayne or California, B. B. Robozo was there. Nixon would spend a lot of time on B. B. Robozo’s boat. If B. B. Robozo wanted something, Nixon would stay. But I don’t think when Nixon was deciding what to do about open war, he was talking to B. B. Robozo. Ehud: Valerie Jarrett. So—in this regard, he’s probably alone, but he feels, compared to other leaders I happened to meet in the last decades, Obama impressed me as an extremely autonomous person. He feels good with himself, even when he’s alone in the home. I didn’t see in him what we know in Clinton or in Our Palace. There is anxiety, a need for love, for explicit expressions of love, there’s deep within their personality. I didn’t see anything of this in him. Obama: I’ve never seen that. Ehud: There’s lots of things to say. Bob Reich told me a story—Robert Reich, Secretary of Labor—he said Clinton would look at him in a cabinet meeting, and if Clinton looked annoyed or looked away, Clinton would call within two days: “How’s it going, Bob? What’s up? Is there something on your mind?” Obama wouldn’t call. He had lunch alone half the days. He didn’t schedule time to be alone. If he did some event where he spoke to a thousand people, they would give him a little rest time afterwards. He’s human, too. It’s the same: he wants to be with the people. It’s a source of strength in tough moments in politics, probably not the most effective way to mobilize people. Ehud: Another thing: President of the United States and you like to play golf. It’s a big asset. The President likes to play golf with his buddies—three guys: photographer, campaign guy, three buddies from Chicago. Most presidents played with members of Congress or business leaders; Obama is cerebral, and they gave him the nickname Black Jesus during the campaign. He has a sense of himself as not me, but he’s not like Clinton in that sense. Ehud: On Iran, the discussion turned to the possibility of surgical operations vs. broader war. The Pentagon developed subtle scalpels, more effective than ours. The goal is to delay the Iranian program by years, but the regime’s strategy is to defend its continuity, to build immunity—regime immunity—against intervention. The Iranians are like Pakistan and North Korea in wanting to avoid being toppled; they want to reach a rational capability that deters intervention. Ehud: The concern is time: for Israel, time is running out because Iran is expanding centrifuges, improving radars, and even GPS mines in the Strait of Hormuz. The regime’s calculation: they don’t have a timetable; they wait until they can secure immunity against external attempts. An election in Iran matters because it can delay or accelerate compromise, especially if the U.S. and partners are seen to be negotiating during an election year. Ehud: There was also discussion of the Arab world: Egypt is practical, not purely ideological. The leaders are practical—engineers who understand the need to feed tens of millions, to maintain tourism, the Suez Canal, and the canal economy. The argument was that US leverage matters; Europe is seen as constrained. The topic of how to engage with the moderate Sunni world to isolate Iran and support a regional security framework with the U.S., Europe, moderate Arab states, and Israel was raised. The aim would be to block fundamentalist terror, improve missile defense, and coordinate on Iran. Ehud: On Israel’s future, there was concern about a two-state approach versus a one-state reality. The Druze, Christians, and other minorities in Israel should be included, and there was advocacy for breaking the Orthodox rabbinate monopoly on marriage and conversions to Judaism to create a more open, plural society. The idea was to advance a plan that acknowledges borders, security, and regional cooperation, potentially with American guarantees. Ehud: The discussion touched on the possibility of a regional security system, with the moderate Arab world, and Israel as a focal point to manage security and block threats, which would help moderate Arab leaders justify engagement with Israel. The hope was that including the Palestinians and moving toward a regional framework would ease tensions and gain broader recognition. Ehud: The speakers reflected on the European economy: the Euro, German leadership, and the risk of “Southern Europe” becoming like Southern Italy—stable but with high unemployment and less dynamism. Germany’s role would be crucial in stabilizing Europe, but there was skepticism about rapid reforms. There was also commentary on Japan’s economic stance, with long-term bonds and potential inflation concerns; the risk of deflation versus inflation, and investor behavior in safe assets like US Treasuries. Ehud: In the financial world, there was talk about the “wall of money” entering markets, with deals in mining and private equity accelerating as rates stay low. There was speculation about who might pay for advisory services and how much compensation one could demand as a trusted adviser. Potential clients included sovereign wealth funds, private equity, and wealthy individuals who would value access to connections with prominent financiers and policymakers. Ehud: The conversation then shifted to Ehud’s post-government plans: he’s considering private equity, hedge funds, board roles, and advisory work. He discussed working with high-profile firms like Lookout (a cybersecurity firm), Palantir (Peter Thiel’s company), and Andreessen Horowitz, and he weighed the value of joining boards or advisory roles for significant compensation. There was talk of opportunities with Tony Blair and Panetta’s Foundation, and about leveraging relationships with influential figures like Petraeus and Panetta for strategic advisory roles. Ehud: The two discussed a potential collaboration involving a security-focused venture in which they would assemble a leadership team and pitch to sovereign wealth funds. They debated whether to pursue exclusive arrangements and how to structure compensation—whether high upfront fees or performance-based bonuses would be appropriate, given the urgency of opportunities and Ehud’s age. Ehud: There was talk of a German SPV structure to unlock value in suppressed German DACs, with a plan to acquire large German companies by taking minority stakes and reorganizing boards to bypass unions and passive shareholders. They described a Luxembourg or British Virgin Islands wrapper to enable financing and governance changes, and the goal of creating a management-driven, high-return vehicle akin to Berkshire Hathaway, with operational control over large assets. Ehud: They discussed approaching sovereign funds (Singapore, UAE, China) and state-owned investors to back restructured German companies, leveraging relationships within the German business world and the French/European regulatory environment. They explored the possibility of static, long-term advisory roles with leaders in global finance and industry, and using those platforms to drive value. Ehud: They also explored private-equity opportunities in other sectors—cybersecurity, infrastructure, mining, and even defense. They discussed the possibility of working with individuals like Klaus Kleinfeld (former Siemens exec, Alcoa head) and others to place Ehud into advisory or board roles, and whether to pursue roles that could yield immediate money while also enabling longer-term influence. Ehud: The conversation closed with practical steps: define concrete opportunities, gather numbers and returns, determine what the partners want (exclusivity, timeframe), and set a deadline for offers. They agreed to pursue a formal offer by March 14-20, with a final decision by April 1. They emphasized the need for crisp, precise positioning due to Ehud’s age, and to avoid overpromising. They planned to meet again, compare offers, and decide which path to take—whether with a security-focused outfit, a financial advisory role, or a combination of both. Ehud: The sense was that there are many opportunities for people with connections and credibility, and that the next few years could see rapid development in advisory services, sovereign wealth–backed deals, and strategic investments across defense, cybersecurity, and regional security. The overarching theme was leveraging decades of experience to match high-potential opportunities with the right partners, while navigating regulatory, geopolitical, and reputational considerations.

President Obama engaged with the public through online platforms like YouTube, using them for "21st century fireside chats" to connect directly with Americans. Google tools like Google Moderator were used to solicit video and text questions. These platforms allowed ordinary people to connect with those in high places and gave the President access to diverse ideas. A Google plus Hangout live on YouTube allowed for follow-up questions, enabling participation in a way that wasn't previously possible. One participant even interrupted the President to highlight personal struggles. These interviews created a conversational element that stripped away traditional power dynamics. The President addressed questions on topics ranging from H1B visas to education affordability and cancer research, sharing personal experiences. Participants felt that these platforms were important for the democratic process, giving access to power and ensuring people feel part of democracy. It was suggested that future presidents should continue using these platforms to connect with the people they serve.

The president has done over 40 unscripted interviews and more than 500 gaggles this year. He likes engaging with the public and will keep doing so.

The president's use of public profanity distinguishes him from past leaders. Many Americans appreciate that he often articulates thoughts they share but may hesitate to express. Recently, he conveyed significant frustration with the previous administration's policies, which have contributed to current crises. This focus on addressing these issues is central to his agenda.

Using digital programs can help reach a wider audience and engage with them in a unique way. For example, in 2019, we used an AI bot on the Harris campaign to start conversations with potential donors and voters via Facebook Messenger. In 2020, we expanded this approach to other campaigns, like Biden's, to reach individuals who were hard to contact. This method allowed us to engage with people in a more personal way, moving them through the engagement funnel effectively. It's essential to view digital media differently from traditional methods to maximize its potential.