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Colonel Douglas McGregor discusses his takeaways from a NATO summit, linking the summit’s themes to Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov’s claim that NATO’s involvement means a “war” rather than a “special military operation.” McGregor argues that the summit reflected Donald Trump’s lack of strategic coherence, describes Trump’s Greenland remarks as aimed at preventing Chinese and Russian threats via Greenland and Europe, and says Trump was treated with contempt by Giorgia Meloni while others were sycophantic.
McGregor argues Trump’s decisions—lifting sanctions and providing F-35s to Turkey—are not aimed at Israel but are meant to “bribe” Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to stay on Trump’s side, distance from Moscow, reduce cooperation with the Iranians, and “be our friend.” He portrays Erdoğan as “innately Machiavellian,” saying Trump’s goal is what he wanted to achieve “for the moment,” and he adds that Trump seeks ceremony and celebration, which he believes Turkey provided.
McGregor claims European governments are emphasizing money and equipment for the Ukrainian regime to drag the United States into direct military confrontation with Russia, while also baiting President Vladimir Putin. He says Lithuania and other NATO states bordering Russia are openly providing bases and even potentially nuclear weapons on their soil for potential use against Russia, and he calls this “catastrophic.” He states that Trump should have “put his foot down” but instead listened to Rubio argue that helping Ukrainians strike deep into Russia would be important for negotiations, and then Trump allegedly called it an escalation while claiming it is the path to success.
McGregor compares current dynamics to World War II and claims the United States lacked strategy during that period. He contrasts earlier statements Trump reportedly made—wanting Europeans to deal with Ukraine and wanting to “get out”—with later actions that he says effectively take over. He also says certain European actors appear less committed: Hungarians, Croats, Slovaks, and especially Poles, who he argues are disinterested in losing additional Polish soldiers in a war with Russia. McGregor references events involving Zelensky returning to Poland an honor and describes celebrations of figures he says were “Nazi” supporters, arguing this fuels Polish dissatisfaction with Ukrainians. He warns that if Trump pursues a no-fly zone or similar steps, neighboring countries would face consequences, and he describes the prospect as “insane,” asking whether Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, Romania, and other locations would respond by allowing routes for US sorties.
When Glenn asks about possible US policy shifts—such as talk of no-fly zones, licensing Patriot production for Ukraine, and Rubio’s comments endorsing strikes into Russia—McGregor says the danger is high and compares Trump’s approach to FDR’s unilateral “unconditional surrender” decision. He argues Russia takes these steps seriously because the West repeatedly “misjudged Moscow,” dismisses Russia militarily, and misunderstands the logic of “poking the cobra.” He also says American “bloviate,” promises, and bullying are not effective against Russia, Iran, or China, and he claims the US is losing support in Europe and the Gulf. He argues Trump is manipulated by the “wrong people” including Israelis and Europeans.
McGregor shifts to economic and political pressures, saying European economies face de-industrialization and trouble sustaining employment and that war drives inflation while interest rates rise. He discusses oil price dynamics, bond rates, and the potential inability to service debt if rates reach around 5%. He claims these pressures could lead to class conflict in Europe and the West. He adds that Donald Trump’s statements function as “bait” for Russia and argues Putin has avoided taking the bait. He says Russian troop movements are advancing slowly and attributes delays to handling “thousands of drones,” calling drones an “irritant” rather than a strategic game changer. He says Peskov’s remarks declaring the “SMO” over and the war as now could have prompted an immediate call to the White House to prevent “World War III,” because McGregor claims Russia is prepared while the US and Europe are not.
In response to whether Sergei Lavrov’s position about already being in World War III is agreed with, McGregor says that if he were in Lavrov’s position he might feel that way due to actions he believes contradict Russian national security, but he adds the US does not reassure Russia and behaves as though only it matters, attempting a parent-child relationship.
Glenn raises US remarks at the summit about Iran, including Trump declaring a memorandum of understanding dead, a ceasefire over, and Iranian diplomats being “scum,” and asks whether the US is heading into an all-out war against Iran. McGregor says the conflict is a “Jewish war waged against Iran,” involving Israeli leadership, the Jewish lobby, and “massive numbers of billionaires,” and he claims Netanyahu’s strategy is one of scorched-earth outcomes meant to destroy Iran’s state and society. He frames Trump as executing on behalf of Netanyahu. McGregor also says people believe Israel expects nuclear escalation if the US disengages, describing it as the end of Israel’s state if nuclear use occurs.
Discussing a potential US strike or seizure options after Karg Island—plus alternatives involving ports like Shabahar—McGregor argues the US has underestimated the Iranian regime and military systems, referencing an earlier attempt involving Isfahan and special operations that he says ended in disaster. He describes special operations as dependent on accurate intelligence and explains that failure can occur with a single RPG or similar event. He argues that if forces seize positions like an island, the defenders may become a “pincushion” for missiles and unmanned systems. He asserts he does not see options leading to anything “clean, decisive and effective.”
Finally, Glenn asks about Turkey becoming an increased concern for Israel relative to Saudi Arabia. McGregor says Turkey has the capacity to conquer, put “a million men” into the field rapidly, has modern weapons and its own industrial base, and can cooperate with Pakistan for nuclear capability. He argues that Turkey and Iran may prefer being “nuclear threshold states” without becoming nuclear powers, and he claims US behavior sends a signal that other states should build nuclear weapons. He references a French nuclear deterrent strategy analogy where only “one” nuclear weapon is needed because it imposes unacceptable damage, and he says Iran’s demonstrated ISR and strike capability suggests many middle-sized powers can now make deterrence costly enough to discourage aggression.