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Speaker 0, Speaker 1, and Speaker 2 discuss Dominion’s access to election systems during the 2020 election period in Georgia, with Gwinnett County cited as a specific example. The dialogue confirms that the questioning period was during the 2020 election, and the focus is on whether Dominion remotely accessed election systems and whether such access occurred in Georgia. Speaker 2 asks if there is any indication of nonelection personnel remotely accessing a Dominion system. Speaker 3 responds that they have reviewed a series of emails produced by Dominion in which they’re discussing remoting into Gwinnett County, Georgia. Speaker 1 then notes that Speaker 0 had mentioned Dominion remote collection or connection to election systems but lacks evidence that it occurred in Georgia. Speaker 0 asserts that there was one county and that they have seen many Dominion emails, requiring translation from Serbian to English to verify technical questions and translations. Speaker 1 asks specifically: “So it's your testimony that there is evidence of dominion remotely accessing Georgia election equipment?” Speaker 0 answers: “Yes, on the one county. It was included with stuff that I was researching and reading through considering Colorado. Michigan was also involved and there were other ones.” Speaker 2 inquires about Dominion’s ability to remotely connect to these election systems and whether they could do so without detection. Speaker 0 responds: “Yes.” Speaker 2 then asks if the interviewee is aware of any instances in which that has occurred, and Speaker 0 confirms: “One would be the Denver, Colorado server was granted or requested to grant Belgrave, Only Belgrade. Did search. There is a Belgrade Montana.” The speaker questions why Montana would need to connect to a Colorado file transfer server as part of the election system, noting there are other components and things done in the background concerning the database and the configuration of the database server that still do not have an engineering change order. Speaker 0 explains that in operational environments, things sometimes break and need fixing, leading to the submission of a change request or, in this case, an engineering change order that is retroactive. The goal is to record the process to ensure change management and integrity of the system. If changes are not recorded, it leads to a bad situation, according to Speaker 0.

Fulton County, Georgia admits in a consent decree that 3,600 ballots were duplicated, with 36 batches involved. This raises concerns about potential wrongdoing. We eagerly await further information and facts to emerge. It marks the start of a significant period in the ongoing voter situation.

The speakers discussed issues with scanning envelopes due to jamming in the printer. They mentioned problems with the BlueCrest machine for signature verification. The request for scanned images of outer envelopes from November 2020 was not fulfilled. The discussion then shifted to obtaining signature exemplars and reference images for voters, which would require checking multiple databases for 860,000 voters. The process of finding signatures in the databases was explained in detail. The conversation also touched on absentee ballot application forms.

Many Georgia counties have failed to provide electronic ballot images from the 2020 election, with as many as 74 counties admitting to destroying these records. Legal action is being considered due to violations of federal and state law, as well as obstruction of open records requests by over a dozen counties. The possibility of two separate lawsuits arising from these issues is being discussed.

There was meaningful voter fraud in Fulton County, Georgia during the November 2020 election. At least 36 mail-in ballots were double counted, totaling over 4,000 votes. The Atlanta Journal Constitution also found that hundreds of ballots were improperly duplicated. Surveillance footage showed ballots being scanned multiple times, but the county won't answer how many times they were counted. Audit tally sheets were falsified, with fabricated vote totals. A whistleblower noticed that the mail-in ballots had no creases and were filled out by a printer. Over 200 mail-in ballot images were not included in the hand count audit results. Additionally, nearly 35,000 voters who had moved out of their county of residence still voted illegally. It is important to find out the truth and protect democracy.

Governor Kemp is being challenged to prove the fairness of the election. The speaker suggests unsealing 150,000 mail-in ballots stored in a Fulton County warehouse for three and a half years. They claim that six affidavits state that 30,000 of these ballots were fake and ran through a scanner at night. The speaker urges the governor to order a forensic audit of these ballots, as they allegedly show signs of fraud. They argue that if the governor truly believes the election was fair, he should take this step. However, the speaker doubts that the governor will do so.

We subpoenaed Fulton County for 518,000 ballot images from the recount, not from election day. There are 380,761 missing ballot images from election day. Fulton County has not provided an explanation for this discrepancy. It is important for every vote to have a corresponding ballot image. Translation: We requested ballot images from Fulton County for the recount, not for election day. There are 380,761 missing ballot images from election day that have not been explained. It is crucial that every vote has a corresponding ballot image.

The speaker asks who determined the number of failed signatures in the 2020 election. Speaker 1 explains that their organization reviewed a quarter of the 1,900,000 envelopes from the election using 150 trained workers. They followed the guidelines in the secretary of state manual and analyzed each voter record individually. The statistics from the first 25% of the ballots were extrapolated to determine the final number, which is specific to Maricopa County. Speaker 0 acknowledges that Maricopa County alone had over 2 million ballots, with about 1.9 million of them being mail-in ballots. Speaker 1 confirms this and the conversation continues.

In early 2020, concerns arose about voter rolls in Fulton County, Georgia having more voters than the population. Chain of custody documents were requested but not provided, leading to doubts about election certification. Issues included drop boxes, surveillance tapes, and absentee ballot processing with a failed electronic signature verification system costing over $1 million. Certification votes were split 2-3, with 147,000 absentee ballots counted in the November 2020 election. Translation: Concerns about voter rolls in Fulton County, Georgia led to doubts about election certification due to missing chain of custody documents and issues with drop boxes, surveillance tapes, and absentee ballot processing. The failed electronic signature verification system cost over $1 million. Certification votes were split 2-3, with 147,000 absentee ballots counted in the November 2020 election.

Yes, that needs to happen. There aren't enough votes left to change the election outcome, as confirmed by the Secretary of State. Megan, can you pull up document UJR X 1151? This shows that 99.5% of the votes have been counted, with only Fulton County remaining and just 13 precincts left. Typically, there are only a couple thousand votes left to count, likely around 1,000. Currently, Trump has a lead of about 101,000 votes with 99.5% counted. This aligns with the Secretary's earlier statements. The document was downloaded from the Secretary of State's site by Voter GA.

Is it standard practice to delete files off a server after an election? I hope not. So, you admit Maricopa County deleted files after the election? Those files were archived. The auditors initially didn’t have access to those archived files, correct? They did not subpoena those, that's right. You didn’t feel obligated to turn them over? We responded to the subpoena. It’s laughable to suggest a county could delete files in response to a subpoena. Your Twitter mentions purging the 2020 election database in February as standard practice. Can you confirm that’s done for all elections? I cannot confirm that today, but we’ll get you an answer. Why was data from prior elections still present? I don’t have an answer now, but we will provide one. The recorder will answer questions in a timely fashion, but he previously criticized Adrian Fontes, who ran the 2020 election. Yes, we had oversight from both parties during the election.

In the exchange, concerns are raised about mail-in ballots in Allegheny and Philadelphia counties and how they were counted. Speaker 0 notes that ballots were counted without observers, citing 682,770 ballots observed and asking about the 1,823,148 mailed-out ballots, contrasted with a final count showing 2,589,242 mail-in ballots. The core question is: what explains the roughly 700,000 mail-in ballots that “appeared from nowhere”? Speaker 1 responds that their cyber team uses white-hat hacking techniques to gather publicly available information from the secretary of state’s website, which has been updated as late as 11:16 this morning with provisional and mail-in ballots, though those numbers continue to change. He adds that the 2,500,000 figure is no longer on the website, and it has “just been taken off.” There is no annotation explaining why. Speaker 2 then describes an on-the-ground observation: a deputy sheriff, a senior law enforcement officer, was seen not being observed and walking in with baggies, with USBs being inserted into machines. The witness claims to have personally witnessed this 24 times, with additional witnesses including Democrat poll watchers. They were told by an attorney that every election leaves a couple of USB cards in the voting machines to be brought back by the warehouse manager, but this account is contradicted by law enforcement and other officials. The witness states that 47 USB cards are missing and “they’re nowhere to be found,” and that 32 to 30 cards uploaded were not present in the live vote update. The witness demanded timely live upload of vote results, which showed 50,000 votes; they assert those votes were for Vice President Biden, though they note that identifying who those votes were for should not matter to a computer scientist. Speaker 1 emphasizes that forensic evidence from the computers was not obtained: the procedure would involve turning off the computer, imaging the drive with BitLocker, under law enforcement observation, which would take about an hour for five machines. This forensic imaging was never performed, despite objections three weeks earlier. They later learned that virtually all chain-of-custody logs, yellow sheets, and forensic records in Delaware County were gone; a signing party attempted to recreate the logs with poll workers but was unsuccessful in recovering them all. The discussion concludes with a claim that there are 100,000 to 120,000 ballots, both mail-in and USB, in question, and that there is no remedy or “cure” within the local charter for certifying a presidential vote, leaving the speaker asserting that nobody could certify the vote in good conscience.

In May, an alarm went off at a warehouse in Fulton County, Georgia, where evidence related to the 2020 election was stored. Deputies guarding the warehouse had left their posts, and when they returned, they found the 100-pound steel door open. Fulton County officials have refused to let the public see the ballots stored in the warehouse, but a lawsuit revealed that at least 36 boxes of mail-in ballots were double-counted, totaling over 4,000 votes. The Atlanta Journal Constitution also found hundreds of improperly duplicated ballots. Surveillance footage showed ballots being scanned multiple times, and audit tally sheets were falsified. These irregularities raise questions about the integrity of the election and the need for transparency.

The investigation confirms 380,761 missing ballot images from election day. Fulton County was subpoenaed for recount images, not election day ones. It's unclear why the election day images are missing. Fulton County should ensure every vote has a corresponding ballot image. Translation: The investigation found 380,761 missing ballot images from election day. Fulton County was asked for recount images, not those from election day. The reason for the missing images is unknown. Fulton County should ensure that every vote has a corresponding ballot image.

The investigation confirms missing ballot images - 380,761 from election day not available. Subpoenaed 518,000 ballot images from Fulton County for recount, not election day. Fulton County does not have images for 380,761 election day ballots. County does not know why. Should every vote have a ballot image?

There was meaningful voter fraud in Fulton County, Georgia during the November 2020 election. At least 36 mail-in ballots were double counted, totaling over 4,000 votes. The Atlanta Journal Constitution also found that hundreds of ballots were improperly duplicated. Surveillance footage obtained by Voter GA showed ballots being scanned multiple times. Fulton County failed to provide over 100,000 audit tally sheets, and when they were finally turned over, falsified totals were discovered. A whistleblower noticed that the mail-in ballots had no creases and were filled out by a printer. Additionally, an analysis found that nearly 35,000 voters in Georgia illegally voted in their old county. These irregularities raise serious concerns about the integrity of the election.

The investigation confirms that there are missing ballot images. Specifically, 380,761 ballot images from the election day machine count are not available. We subpoenaed Fulton County for all ballot images and received about 518,000, but these pertain to the recount, not the election day count. Thus, the missing images are a result of the focus on the recount rather than the original election day data.

We discovered 1.7 million missing original ballot images from the 2020 election, out of 5 million ballots cast. The issue is with memory card retention rules. Memory cards in scanners hold in-person ballot images, audit logs, and records. The proposed solution is to modify the rule to comply with federal and state election record retention laws. A motion was made and passed to initiate rulemaking procedures on this matter.

The discussion concerns a motion to subpoena documents related to the 2020 election. The attorney general has advised on the case. Member Johnson moves to subpoena the clerk of the court for multiple documents from the November 2020 election, including consolidated return sheets, opening and closing scanner tapes, daily recap of advanced in-person polling place scanners, pull pad recap sheets, absentee ballot recap sheets, electronic files including ballot images, log files, and tabulation files, a numbered voter list, absentee numbered list of voters, absentee ballot envelopes, security verification forms, and chain of custody forms of the poll manager and technician. Additionally, they request that Fulton County appear at the next meeting. The motion is seconded. A vote is held, with members Giselle and the chairman voting nay, and members Johnson, Jeffries, and King voting aye. The motion carries 3 to 2.

I want to find missing documents for proper vote counting in Fulton County. We couldn't find ballot images but have the ballots. Someone is preventing access to paper ballots. I'm focused on data and numbers.

This week on Straight to the Point, Harmit Dillon, Assistant Attorney General of the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division, discusses a federal investigation into what she calls an attack on a Minnesota church, detailing charges and potential future arrests. Key points on the Minnesota church protest and related federal charges: - The 14-page indictment centers on violations of the FACE Act, which criminalizes disrupting a religious service or invading a house of worship, and also covers abortion clinics and crisis pregnancy centers. The case includes conspiracy to violate federal civil rights in connection with these offenses. - The accusation describes a two-stage attack rather than a simple protest: a first wave of participants, primarily white allies, sat in pews to appear as a church service, followed by a second wave that disrupted the sermon and caused fear among congregants. - The church scene included statements like “this isn’t God’s house, this is the house of the devil.” Nine individuals have been indicted so far; prosecutors say the broader group involved could number about 40 based on video evidence. - The DOJ is pursuing all individuals who invaded the church with the intent to disrupt prayer and deprive parishioners of First Amendment rights. Some suspects claimed to be journalists, though the government notes the content shows pregame activities, tailgating with donuts and coffee, and coordinated actions that support a conspiracy theory. Reaction to media and journalists: - Don Lemon’s remarks on late-night TV about overreach are addressed. Dillon emphasizes that the mic and camera do not grant a license to break the law, and prosecutors have pursued arrests with search warrants and evidence, while acknowledging that journalism status is not decisive in determining liability in this case. - The DOJ references specific individuals who claimed journalism status, noting that several arrested individuals made such claims. Investigations, scope, and law-enforcement context: - Dillon states the DOJ is examining all participants who invaded the church; the universe could extend beyond the nine indicted to roughly 40 people based on the video evidence. - The incident raised safety concerns for law enforcement and parishioners; she cites prior related church attacks and a fatal shooting at a Minneapolis Catholic church as context for a zero-tolerance stance on disrupting houses of worship. Other ongoing civil rights matters: - A separate civil rights review into the January shooting death of ICU nurse Alex Preti by Homeland Security agents is mentioned. The process involves evidence preservation, ballistic analysis, and collaboration with the FBI and DHS; it remains general and non-specific about current investigative steps. Anti-ICE activism and security measures: - Reports of anti-ICE activists setting up roadblocks and using license plate readers are described as a criminal matter—obstruction of federal law enforcement—and are framed against broader safety concerns for federal agents facing threats. - Tom Holman’s push to deploy full body cameras for Homeland Security agents, starting with ICE, is welcomed as a transparency measure to protect civil rights and assess potential violations. Georgia 2020 election ballots and civil/criminal proceedings: - Dillon outlines a timeline of two tracks: a civil suit to obtain Georgia’s voter rolls for a comprehensive review, and a parallel criminal investigation operation leading to a search warrant at an election hub in Fulton County. - The civil case sought ballots because of concerns about irregularities in Fulton County processing; the criminal case took precedence due to implications for Fifth Amendment rights and ongoing investigations. - There is mention of ongoing debates about the handling of ballots, with some Georgia officials acknowledging mishandling, though not framed as systemic fraud; the department may seek ballots in other swing states if appropriate, subject to legal preservation periods and evolving facts. - The timeline hints at potential action ahead of the midterms, with involvement from DNI Tulsi Gabbard on election-security matters. The interview emphasizes that the indictment details a wide-ranging, premeditated conspiracy to disrupt a church service, the DOJ’s commitment to pursuing all involved, and the broader context of civil rights investigations related to use of force, protest rights, and election integrity.

There was meaningful voter fraud in Fulton County, Georgia during the 2020 election. At least 36 batches of mail-in ballots were double counted, totaling over 4,000 votes. The Atlanta Journal Constitution independently reviewed digital ballot images and found hundreds of improperly duplicated ballots. Surveillance footage obtained by Voter GA showed ballots being scanned multiple times. Fulton County failed to provide over 100,000 audit tally sheets, and when they were finally turned over, falsified sheets were found. A whistleblower noticed that the mail-in ballots had no creases and were filled out by a printer. An elections expert found that nearly 35,000 voters illegally voted in their old county. It is important to find out the truth and ensure the integrity of our elections.

In discussing the 2020 election, the speaker notes that a magistrate judge issued a warrant based on probable cause after evidence was submitted, emphasizing that the process involves a magistrate judge, not a Trump-appointed judge, and that this reflects how the law enforcement process works in America. The speaker then questions the characterization of 2020 as “perfect,” arguing that several irregularities were present in Georgia. - Drop boxes: Claimed to be “invented out of thin air” and not envisioned in Georgia law. - Mobile voting units: Reported to have moved through Fulton County to 80% (81% precisely) Democrat precincts, with the assertion that this was not envisioned in Georgia law. - Absentee ballots: Alleged that 6,800,000 absentee ballot request forms with a first-class stamp were sent to every registered voter in Georgia, a practice the speaker says was not envisioned in Georgia law. - Ballot counting and recount: A recount occurred, with 3,930 double-scanned ballots in Fulton County alone; thousands of those were confirmed by the state election board. Governor Kemp raised concerns about the Rossi report; even after double scanning, the numbers still did not match on the second recount, being off by 850 ballots. The speaker states that no one can answer how that happened. - Ballot images and test ballots: The speaker asserts that ballot images were deleted and test ballots were included in the recount process, with this confirmed. The speaker then discusses responses to legitimate questions about the 2020 election. A former constituent, Derek Summerville, a former FBI agent, worked with Mark Davis on data analysis of the 6,800,000 absentee ballot request forms (sent with first-class stamps). They identified reasonable cause to question the validity of 39,141 of those ballots that were cast. The speaker asserts that 160 people were registered to vote from a single UPS store, 2,138 from one church in Fulton County, and 1,391 from a shuttered 1,000-square-foot building in Fulton County. The claim is made that Fulton County has a messy voter roll, with thousands registered at UPS stores, storage units, pack mails, and homeless shelters that had not been open for over five years. When Summerville and Davis filed objections to these voters, Democrats responded by litigation: Stacey Abrams sued them in federal court, and they won—though the speaker clarifies it was Summerville and Davis who won, not Stacey Abrams. Judge Jones ruled in their favor. Regarding the 39,141 voters deemed questionable, the speaker asserts that twelve zero of them were removed from the voter rolls, and that 9,500 had updated addresses outside Fulton County, corroborating that those voters were ineligible. Ultimately, the speaker claims that 84% of the eligibility challenges made by Summerville and Davis were proven to involve invalid voters in the 2020 election. The remark concludes by urging an end to the narrative of the most perfect, most secure election in history and calls for Fulton County to clean up its voter rolls ahead of future elections.

The speakers discuss the request for a copy of every ballot in Fulton county, expressing concerns about privacy and the impact on the election certification. Speaker 1 clarifies that the experts reviewing the ballots are only interested in the results, not individual voters. They argue that some requested records may not exist, which is why they are hesitant to turn them over. Speaker 1 mentions a pending case to unseal records, both in this jurisdiction and another civil case. The conversation briefly touches on the docket and the involvement of Judge McBurnie, as well as the Supreme Court and Court of Appeals.

We asked Fulton County for all ballot images, but only received about 518,000 for the recount, not the 380,761 from election day. The focus was on the recount, not the original election. It's unclear why the election day images are missing. Shouldn't every vote have a valid image?