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Curious Showell visits a Hasidic village in Upstate New York described as having about 44,000 residents who primarily speak Yiddish and average seven kids per family. Showell claims the community relies heavily on state assistance and welfare programs such as Medicare, SNAP, housing assistance, and tax credits because of the large families. When asked how many kids people have here, Showell is told “Seventeen, eighteen,” and that they are “proud to do what the Torah says, that you need be multiple and fruitful.” He asks how they can afford many children, and the response is that wealthy community members give charity and the community is based on this. Showell questions whether people are on welfare. One person references taxes and property payments, saying, “The Jewish people, Justin Kirsch, Joel, their taxes covers everything that we take back. They pay a lot of property …” The interviewee refuses to comment about welfare use, and when pressed further about someone being on welfare, declines to answer. In terms of employment, individuals describe themselves as having jobs in sales and home care, with one mentioning selling chocolate. There is uncertainty about who uses welfare: Showell notes that “Most people on Medicaid, SNAP, EBT” while the interviewee claims not to know “for other people” but says “I’m not gonna tell about myself.” When asked about EBT usage, one person initially states “100%” would use EBT for groceries, then corrects to “35%,” indicating a lack of consensus. Showell also asks what most men do for work; the response includes “I have a job” and “I’m in sales,” with the product being food, specifically chocolate. Showell and the interviewee visit a synagogue where many are praying, with a note that the schedule is “09:00 sharp.” The dialogue touches on welfare use within the community, with one line indicating that “BT percent, like all of the communities, you have eight kids, you can also get benefits,” followed by a statement that “These are all teenagers” and the age of Showell’s interviewer as 21. In closing, Showell characterizes the situation as an example of a theocratic ethnic enclave, suggesting that Curious Joel is an example of only Jews living there and that many are tapping into welfare benefits.

The speaker recounts personally observing alarming EBT receipts while working at a grocery store, citing one instance of $13,000 spent on EBT food and $29,000 on EBT cash. The speaker expresses frustration, questioning how individuals receiving assistance can afford to dress very well while Americans struggle to afford necessities like work boots. The speaker views this as a serious problem.

The rising cost of living, with inflation around 7% and multiple interest rate hikes by the Bank of Canada, is causing significant hardship. A recent report highlighted that some individuals are so desperate for help that they are seeking food assistance while also inquiring about assisted suicide. This alarming situation reflects the struggles of those at the lowest income levels, who are expressing feelings of hopelessness. Hearing this is heartbreaking and reinforces the commitment to support those in need.

The speaker describes a policy change regarding EBT/food stamp usage, stating that some establishments explicitly prohibit EBT payments ("no EBT"). Furthermore, the speaker claims that EBT can now only be used to purchase steak, chicken, and vegetables, with restrictions on snacks and shrimp. The speaker emphasizes the finality of these changes.

I don't have money because my account hasn't been deposited with 3,600 pesos yet. I'm not sure if it goes into my bank account. Can you check? Also, is there any balance on that card?

The Adams administration launched a controversial program giving migrant families prepaid debit cards for food. The city council questions a $53,000,000 no-bid contract with Mobility Capital Finance for the program. Each family can receive up to $1,000 every 4 weeks for food and necessities. Mayor Adams defends the program as a cost-saving measure and emphasizes the firm's minority ownership. He denies any personal relationship with the company's owner. Council member Brewer calls for further investigation.

The video follows Tyler Oliveira, an independent journalist, visiting Kiriyos Joel (Curious Joel), a Hasidic Jewish traditional community in upstate New York described as a large, growing, tightly knit enclave dominated by Hasidic Jews who largely speak Yiddish. The dialogue paints a picture of a community with unusually large families, strict modesty and gender roles, private religious education, and a mix of work patterns that rely on both self-employment within the community and outside labor. Key facts and claims as presented: - Demographics and family size: The community is described as a village of about 40,000 Hasidic Jews in upstate New York, with families averaging seven children. When discussing typical family size, several participants mention numbers like seventeen to eighteen children, though others give more conservative figures. One interviewee says “Ten, twelve, fourteen, fifteen” is common in the larger families, with a repeated emphasis on seven to ten as a norm in some households. - Economic profile and poverty: The town is described as one of the poorest towns in America, with around 40% living beneath the federal poverty line. The transcript notes reliance on public assistance, Medicaid, housing vouchers, food stamps (EBT/SNAP), and cash aid to support large families. - Employment and Torah study: A recurring theme is that many men spend significant time studying the Torah full-time, with three hours of daily prayer/study mentioned by some interviewees. Yet other participants indicate that men work in industries like construction, driving or bus services, or run private businesses. Women are described as working in some cases (e.g., teaching, health care, retail, childcare) and in other cases primarily managing households, especially when children are very young. Some individuals report that women work after children are older or part-time in addition to domestic duties. - Education and institutions: The community uses private religious schools (Torah study is emphasized), with most schools described as privately run. A significant portion of the schooling and social life centers on maintaining the community’s religious practices and modest dress codes. The synagogues, private kosher markets, and a complex network of private buses and community services are prominent features. - Welfare and tax considerations: The dialogue repeatedly questions how families can afford many children on limited incomes, noting welfare programs (Medicaid, SNAP/EBT, housing assistance) that help, particularly for large families. Some participants acknowledge that welfare usage exists (including potential tax credits and other subsidies tied to children), while others push back against the idea that welfare dominates, arguing instead that benevolence within the community and private charity play major roles. There is discussion about how much welfare benefits are worth relative to the costs of raising many children, including taxes and tuition. - Community economics and charity: A common claim is that wealthier members of the community fund many services and subsidize others through charitable giving. The existence of kosher supermarkets run with the help of Mexican labor is described, along with private safety services, volunteer EMS, and community-owned buses and infrastructure. The interviewee notes that two groceries, Maitiv, offer substantial discounts, and that the community supports one another to afford large families. - Labor dynamics and assimilation: Several interviews contrast Hasidic work patterns with non-Jewish labor participation nearby (e.g., Hispanics in construction, retail, and labor). There is a sense that many Jewish residents own or run businesses, while a notable portion of practical labor appears performed by immigrant workers. A discussion arises about whether non-members can move into the community, with responses suggesting it is possible but may be uncomfortable for some residents, given the desire to preserve religious life. - Zionism and Israel: A notable viewpoint expressed by some community members is opposition to the state of Israel before the Messiah, with Zionism described as not Judaism and the state as secular. This stance frames a broader tension between religious life in Kiriyos Joel and external political narratives. - Public interactions and challenges: The video captures tensions around filming, interviews, and the community’s encounter with outside observers, including skepticism about welfare claims and how the community is portrayed. Observations highlighted by the video’s framing: - The community presents itself as a self-reinforcing, tightly knit unit with private institutions, mutual aid, and communal oversight aimed at preserving religious life. - The economic reality described mixes private enterprise, charitable support, and reliance on public programs, particularly given large family sizes. - The overall portrait emphasizes a life integrated around Torah study, prayer, family, education, and a network of community-run services, with welfare and tax considerations continuing to be debated among residents and visitors.

How do programs like SNAP benefits impact food choices? Many SNAP benefits are spent on unhealthy foods. While I’m not familiar with how other countries manage similar programs, I know SNAP is a crucial USDA initiative. Many children in the U.S. rely on it because their families struggle to afford nutritious diets. There was significant debate about this issue previously, and I believe a key improvement would be for the U.S. government to leverage its purchasing power to buy healthier food options.

The speaker received two Medicaid cards and went to Walmart to buy approved items. According to a Walmart associate, the cards can be used for hygiene products and healthy foods. The speaker purchased cheese, lettuce, cucumbers, and tomatoes. They also used their WIC benefits to buy juice for their kids, selecting four 64-ounce containers. The kids wanted candy, but the speaker said they would return later for that. The speaker's children joined them at the checkout. The transaction was successful, and the speaker will return with a part two video showing the snacks their kids picked out.

The speaker mentions that the people they are referring to are well-prepared and knowledgeable about everything. They discuss how these individuals know what to say when it comes to seeking asylum. The speaker also mentions that these individuals receive certain benefits, including a monthly check and a cost of living check. They speculate that the amount is around $22,100 for one parent and one child. They also mention that these individuals can bring another parent or child with them. The speaker notes that all of these individuals are single parents and suggests that they may already have relatives or significant others in the country.

Just left Costco, where we were delayed because someone in line had a government form for newcomers. Their entire cart was paid for by the government. It made me wonder if my husband, who immigrated from the U.S., could also get a voucher for Costco. The employees seemed unfamiliar with the form, but it was clearly for newcomers. Many people struggle to afford groceries, yet newcomers receive assistance, including free groceries at Costco. It raises questions about fairness, especially since my husband is indigenous. Shouldn't he be entitled to some support too?

Chairman Perry and members of the caucus, I thank you for inviting me to discuss what I describe as the most historic mass migration crisis ever to strike The United States. What has happened at the Southern border is history-making in scope with long-lasting second, third, and fourth order implications for American citizens. The mass migration that began around inauguration day 2021 calls for a broader public discussion about what it is and how it works. During its first year and now into its second, I interviewed hundreds of immigrants, most recently on an eight-day fact-finding journey to Tapachula, on the Guatemala–Mexico border. From my vantage point, there is one root cause most often cited by the immigrating foreign nationals for coming now: that President Joe Biden opened the American southern border wide to them. They see on social media, from hundreds of thousands who have gone before, secure quick releases and resettlement into America—the ultimate golden chalice—and they decide to gamble large smuggling investments that criminal smuggling gangs will get them in to stay too. With such an enticing return on smuggling investment, no thinking person should wonder why this global migration hit a national record of nearly 2,000,000 border patrol apprehensions in a single year with probably 500,000 more gotaways, an undercount. The caucus should know that nonprofit advocacy groups and, more notably, the United Nations appear to be working alongside the criminal smuggling organizations on the same mission. United Nations agencies such as the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) are providing hard cash, food, shelter, legal services, and psychological services along the migrant trails, which also materially facilitate journeys that everyone involved knows lead to illegal American border crossings. In various forms, the UN and the nonprofits it funds contribute to the current mass migration crisis. I found a UNHCR stamp booklet discarded on the Rio Grande riverbank on the Mexican side, and I observed handout cash debit cards to migrants in long lines. Workers reported that they give $400 every fifteen days to families of four, renewable every two weeks. The UN tells me only the most vulnerable receive this cash, yet in Reynosa and Tapachula, long lines at UNHCR offices revealed regular family units, many with debit cards, who said they might have to leave the migrant trail and go home without this money. The cards are part of a vast and escalating UN program called cash-based interventions along the migrant trail through Latin America, including unrestricted, unconditionally usable plastic cash cards, cash-filled envelopes in some areas, money transfers for lodging and pharmaceutical prescriptions, and something called movement assistance—transportation money to move forward when camps empty and reform further north. Credible reporting shows the UN is providing these forms of assistance along the trail from South America to Texas. On a Kakuta to Bogota, Colombia segment, the UN was seen handing out food, clothing, and necessities worth an estimated $200 to $300 per migrant per day. Non-cash assistance keeps migrants on the US trail; in Tapachula, Mexican asylum approval is important for permission to move legally beyond the southern provinces toward the US border. But many coming from Guatemala tell Mexican immigration they are seeking US jobs, which is not an eligible asylum claim, so they are denied. I did learn of a UN-funded migrant advocacy center where a full-time staff of certified psychologists helps migrants recover repressed memories of more eligible persecution. This manager said his group also trains migrants on how to pass muster with Mexican asylum interviewers the first time around, producing a 90% success rate for thousands a year. Other UN-funded psychologists offer similar work. If true, the UNHCR in Mexico has found another way to keep thousands more on the trail toward the American border. Some will defend this UN assistance as lifesaving; others will view it differently, and they will want to know more. Americans deserve to know the full extent of it, because the United States is the UN’s largest donor, and the US Congress appropriates a huge amount of money to the UN each year. Thank you. I note that the border is a national security concern. Recently, I reported a Venezuelan crossing the Rio Grande from Matamoros to Brownsville, and the FBI-wanted individual held in ICE headquarters here in Washington, D.C. intervened and demanded he be ordered released because he might get COVID in detention. He is now living freely pursuing an asylum claim in Detroit. Thank you.

The speaker discusses the high cost of living in Canada, with inflation at around 7% and the Bank of Canada raising interest rates. They mention a clip where people in need of food also inquire about assisted suicide. The CEO of the Mississauga Food Bank reveals that individuals living in poverty are expressing thoughts of suicide due to the extreme difficulties they face. The second speaker expresses heartbreak and a stronger determination to provide support.

A migrant family of four in New York receives significant benefits, including over $20 a month in freebies, $500 a night for hotel stays, $130 a day for food, and just $5 a month for their two kids in public school. This doesn’t include additional perks like $1,000 cash gift cards from Mayor Adams, free healthcare, free phones, free legal assistance, and $400,000 in college tuition for dreamers. In contrast, working taxpayers in New York struggle to afford housing, paying around $1,000 for small living spaces. The speaker highlights their own 80 square foot apartment, which costs $1,754.

The speaker asserts that the core reason many people are upset about food stamp and SNAP benefit programs is not the policy itself but the practice of selling food stamps for cash. They claim that a large number of individuals in New York and other states are buying and selling their food stamps at corner stores and delis, effectively exchanging the benefits for cash. The speaker provides concrete-sounding examples to illustrate the scale of this activity, saying that people are obtaining around $7,000 in food stamps and selling them for cash, or receiving about $4,000 in food stamps and taking roughly $1,000 in cash in exchange. They emphasize that this selling is happening “everywhere,” suggesting it is widespread and not confined to a single area. The speaker also notes that those involved will not admit to selling their food stamps, but insists that it is happening. The overall message is that the dissatisfaction with the SNAP program, in the speaker’s view, stems from the illicit resale of benefits rather than the program’s intent or structure, and that these practices are pervasive across various locations. The speaker foregrounds the belief that the practice is common enough to explain the anger and protests, and they present the assertion as an observed phenomenon rather than a hypothetical concern. The emphasis remains on the alleged pattern of selling SNAP benefits for cash, the amounts involved, and the universality of the practice, coupled with the expectation that the participants would deny it publicly. The speaker’s rhetoric centers on the perception of widespread resale activity and its role in fueling controversy around food stamp benefits.

An individual expresses outrage over a receipt allegedly left by a Venezuelan migrant in a New York City bodega. The receipt purportedly shows a food stamp balance of $13,401.82 and a cash balance of $4,498.85 on a taxpayer-funded EBT card. The speaker contrasts this with the struggles of veterans and senior citizens. They claim Kamala Harris has an open checkbook on the taxpayer's dime and spends lavishly. The speaker suggests Harris will provide government subsidies to migrants for housing while citizens struggle. They reference videos from Venezuela showing protests against the recent election and accuse Nicolas Maduro of refusing to leave power. The speaker asks if people want four more years of this and questions why the migrant receives $13,000 a month in food stamps and $5,000 in cash.

Speaker 0 explains that the card works at Ordiana pharmacy and everything, with no restriction on where it can be used. The only exclusions mentioned are liquor and cigarettes; the card is not valid for purchasing those items. Speaker 1 asks if there are any restrictions, and Speaker 0 confirms there are none beyond liquor and cigarettes. The conversation then clarifies that the card is used for food and clothes, with no other limitations stated. Speaker 1 notes that, without this card and the monthly money it provides, they would only receive $22,000 pesos. Speaker 0 confirms the monthly amount is $100, deposited every month. Speaker 1 asks if $22,000 pesos is a lot of money here. Speaker 0 responds that it is not a lot. Speaker 1 asks what can be done with that amount. Speaker 0 suggests that, with food, there is some use for the money. Speaker 1 and Speaker 0 then discuss rent. Speaker 0 states that rent in Chappas is 1,400 a month, indicating it is cheaper there than where they are currently. Speaker 1 remarks that in this location rent is 3,000, while Speaker 0 previously mentioned 114,100 a month in Chappas, though the numbers appear garbled in the transcript. The overall point is that the card helps with basic expenses, including food, and that rent costs differ between locations, with the speaker noting cheaper rents elsewhere than at their current location.

The speaker argues that the real reason many people are upset about food stamps and SNAP benefits is because people are selling their food stamps. They claim this selling is happening widely in New York and other states, with individuals going to corner stores or delis to trade their benefits for cash. The speaker provides specific figures to illustrate the practice: some people are reportedly selling $7,000 worth of food stamps for cash, while others might have $4,000 in food stamps and take around $1,000 in cash in exchange. The speaker emphasizes that this phenomenon is occurring "everywhere." They assert that the public is angry for this reason, and they insist that people will never admit to selling their food stamps, but the selling is happening.

The speaker is describing issues with payment deposits that were supposed to be made to their account. They indicate that deposits were scheduled for January 7 and January 14, but to date, nothing has been deposited. They point out that deposits on those dates were expected, yet “they deposit nothing,” leaving the account without funds. They then discuss what they were supposed to receive in total. The speaker asks what they were supposed to receive and references the last payment, confirming an amount of 3600 pesos. They reiterate that the amount discussed is 3600 pesos, and they refer to “the first” payment in connection with that amount, indicating that 3600 pesos was associated with the initial or first payment in the sequence. In relation to where the money should go, the speaker confirms that the funds are supposed to go to their bank account. They ask whether the money goes to a bank account or a card, and the responses confirm that there is both a bank account and a card involved. The participant confirms, “Yes,” there is an account and a card. Finally, the speaker clarifies the current status of funds. They ask if anything is on the card now or if there is money elsewhere, and the responder confirms that there is no money: “Dinero, No, no hay dinero.” They restate that there is nothing at all and that no deposits have been made, leaving them with no funds in the account or on the card.

The mayor announced the end of a controversial program that provided vouchers to migrants for food. This pilot program in New York City distributed debit cards to migrant families in city-funded hotels, allowing them to purchase food. Eyewitness News reporter Josh Onier noted that while the program faced criticism, its termination may lead to further questions about how migrant families will now access food. The immediate response cards pilot aimed to support migrant families struggling to afford meals in the city.

The speaker expresses outrage after discovering information about people allegedly using government benefits, possibly EBT, for Carnival Cruises. The speaker found blog posts dating back to 02/2012 discussing how to use benefits for cruises. The speaker questions how a single household can receive four benefits and expresses disbelief that EBT can be used at bars. The speaker contrasts this with the struggles of working people to afford travel and is angered that taxpayers are allegedly footing the bill for these cruises.

I was called out for using EBT while driving a 2025 Benz. It's nobody's business what I drive or how I get my benefits. Yes, I receive $271 in food stamps and I’m living my life. I appreciate the support from taxpayers. I embrace my lifestyle, relying on various forms of assistance like food stamps and child support. Everyone has their own way of making a living, and this is mine.

The speaker argues that much of the backlash against SNAP benefits stems from people selling their food stamps. They claim that in New York and other states, individuals go to corner stores or delis to sell their food stamps for cash. The speaker states that some people receive around $7,000 in food stamps and sell them for cash, while others get about $4,000 in food stamps and take roughly $1,000 in cash. They emphasize that this selling is happening “everywhere.” The speaker also notes that people who sell food stamps will never admit to doing so, but asserts that it is happening.

Venezuelan migrants in Chicago allegedly receive benefits including $50,000 in food stamps, $5,000 cash, and six months of free rent, possibly prioritized over citizens. Some report hearing of two years of free rent. Some Chicago residents are angry because people needing Medicaid and food stamps are rejected. Some families beg for money and food, then allegedly evade bus and train fares without consequence. One person describes a car with Venezuelan markings driving by their house.